“Distrust prevails”: The Washington Post reports on the talks between Iran and the United States

Distrust prevails – The Washington Post reports on the talks between Iran and the United StatesThe Washington Post reported on Saturday that long – awaited talks are set to begin in Islamabad, where the United States and Iran are seeking a way to end the war. The Iranian and American delegations arrived in Islamabad for talks on ending the war in Iran, days after the two sides agreed to a fragile ceasefire.

The report, translated by Al-Maalomah News Agency, stated that “the two sides exchanged accusations of violating the ceasefire until the last moments before the talks began. Iran criticized the continued Israeli attacks in Lebanon, asserting that the ceasefire should have included that front as well.”

Iranian Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, who heads the Iranian delegation, said that two measures “agreed upon by both sides have not yet been implemented”—namely, a ceasefire in Lebanon and the release of frozen Iranian assets. He added in a post on the X website, “These two matters must be implemented before negotiations can begin.”

US Vice President J.D. Vance arrived in Pakistan for talks described by the Pakistani prime minister, who is hosting them, as “crucial” for permanently ending weeks of fighting in the Middle East. Pakistani Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, in a televised address, said the ceasefire between Iran and the United States was at a critical juncture, describing the negotiations as entering a difficult phase as both sides sought to move from a temporary truce to a permanent agreement.

While mistrust is expected to permeate the talks, diplomats in the region pointed to the composition of the delegations as a reason for optimism about the chances of reaching an agreement. Both Iran and the United States sent larger and higher-level delegations to the talks in Pakistan compared to the delegations sent to the nuclear negotiations between the two sides.

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Atroushi announces his refusal to attend the presidential election session “out of concern for the stability of the political process.”

On Friday, Farhad Atroushi, the deputy speaker of the Iraqi parliament, objected to the agenda of the session scheduled for Saturday to elect the president, saying that proceeding with it in the absence of national and political consensus might deepen the disputes instead of ending the deadlock that has been hindering the formation of the government for months.

In a statement, Atroushi said that political forces still need more dialogue and understandings to reach a candidate who enjoys broad acceptance, adding that the dispute is not limited to the position of President of the Republic, but also extends to the position of Prime Minister, about whom he said that political forces have the right to see the name of their candidate and express their opinion on him.

He pointed out that his position comes “out of concern for the stability of the political process and to ensure the democratic path in the country.”

Atrushi’s stance comes despite major blocs announcing their intention to attend Saturday’s session. The National State Forces Alliance, led by Ammar al-Hakim, and the Progress Party, led by Mohammed al-Halbousi, confirmed the participation of their representatives in the session. The Reconstruction and Development Bloc, supported by Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani, also announced its full attendance.

However, the position of the Kurdistan Democratic Party, to which Atroushi belongs, is still not definitively decided, as the party has linked its participation in the session to reaching a broader political consensus.

The parliament’s leadership had set April 11 as the date for the special session to elect the president of the republic, in an attempt to end a political deadlock that has persisted since the legislative elections in October/November 2025.

Iraq has exceeded the constitutional deadline by about 70 days, while 148 days have passed without the formation of a new government.

This comes amid the intersection of two political crises, the first being Kurdish, related to nominations for the presidency, as the Democratic Party first put forward Fuad Hussein and then Nawzad Hadi before the latter withdrew, in contrast to the Patriotic Union’s insistence on Nizar Amidi before he later spoke of an understanding on his name, and the second being Shiite, related to the premiership, after the Coordination Framework nominated Nouri al-Maliki, but his nomination was met with declared American rejection and internal disputes that divided the Framework between supporters, opponents and those with reservations, which kept the files of the two presidencies suspended until now.

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Among them is Iraq… Oil-producing countries prepare to resume exports through the Strait of Hormuz

Informed economic sources reported on Friday that oil-producing countries in the Middle East, including Iraq, have contacted Asian refineries to prepare for the resumption of crude exports during the current and following months, following the ceasefire agreement between Iran and the United States.

Reuters quoted three sources as saying that Middle Eastern producers have asked Asian refineries to submit crude oil loading programs for April and May, in preparation for resuming shipments through the Strait of Hormuz.

The two-week ceasefire agreement between the United States and Iran, announced late Tuesday/early Wednesday, raised hopes of reopening the strait through which about 20% of the world’s oil and liquefied natural gas supplies passed before the war.

There has been no indication so far that Tehran will end its near-total closure of the vital waterway, a closure that has caused a sharp rise in energy prices.

Two sources said that Saudi Aramco has asked its customers to submit requests to load shipments from the ports of Yanbu and Ras Tanura in May.

One of them explained that this matter depends on the resumption of exports from the eastern port of Ras Tanura, which requires ships to pass through the Strait of Hormuz.

The sources requested anonymity because they were not authorized to speak to the media.

Aramco informed buyers last month that crude oil shipments in April could only originate from the western port of Yanbu on the Red Sea. The company’s oil production flows to Yanbu via the East-West pipeline.

However, the Saudi Press Agency reported yesterday, Thursday, citing an official source in the Ministry of Energy, that attacks on energy facilities in the country caused a reduction in the Kingdom’s oil production by about 600,000 barrels per day, and a decrease in the flow of crude oil through the (East-West) pipeline by about 700,000 barrels per day.

Earlier this week, Iraq’s state oil marketing company SOMO asked its customers to submit loading schedules following media reports that Iran had exempted Iraq from restrictions on passage through the Strait of Hormuz.

Asian refining and trading companies are looking for tankers to load crude oil from the Gulf region in the coming days following the ceasefire announcement.

Commodity trader Glencore and Taiwan’s state-owned refiner CPC have each chartered a tanker to load crude oil from the Middle East to Asia, and Indian and South Korean refiners are also looking for tankers to load Iraqi crude this month.

On the other hand, two sources stated that Kuwait Oil Company has set shipping dates for Kuwaiti crude for export on a delivery-on-board (DOB) basis in April.

One of them said that shipment nominations are being prepared and will be determined based on customers’ ability to receive shipments.

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Spain: NATO will not participate in any military operation to reopen the Strait of Hormuz

Spanish Foreign Minister Jose Manuel Alvarez confirmed on Friday that NATO would not participate in any military operation to reopen the Strait of Hormuz.

Albares’ statement comes one day after he announced the reopening of his country’s embassy in Tehran.

NATO spokeswoman Alison Hart confirmed last week that US President Donald Trump expects concrete commitments from his NATO allies to help secure the Strait of Hormuz, following his talks with NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte.

Hart explained that Rutte briefed the partners on what transpired in his meetings in Washington, adding that it is clear that Washington is waiting for concrete pledges and measures to ensure freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz.

These developments came after US President Donald Trump renewed his criticism of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), describing it as “disappointing”.

US officials have said that Trump is also considering withdrawing US troops from some NATO countries, according to the Wall Street Journal.

Officials said America plans to withdraw its forces from NATO countries it deems unsupportive of the war effort against Iran and deploy them to supportive countries.

They also indicated that the American plans may include closing an American base in at least one European country, possibly Spain or Germany.

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“A last-minute race”: Political blocs unite to decide the presidency tomorrow

Amid escalating calls to break the political deadlock, attention is turning to the upcoming parliamentary session on Saturday, which is expected to resolve one of the most prominent outstanding issues in the country: the election of the president.

With several parliamentary blocs confirming their participation in the session, pressure is mounting to end the political deadlock and move towards fulfilling constitutional obligations, at a time when Iraq is facing challenges that require decisive and rapid decisions.

The Patriotic Union of Kurdistan bloc in the Iraqi parliament called for a parliamentary session to be held on Saturday to complete the constitutional requirements, foremost among them the election of the president of the republic, stressing that this issue has taken enough time to be resolved.

The bloc stated in a statement received by Shafaq News Agency that “the issue of disagreement should not be a reason to disrupt the completion of constitutional entitlements, which are the basic pillar for activating state institutions and ensuring their political and economic stability.”

She added that “delaying the appointment to this position disrupts the work of state institutions and leads to an accumulation of economic and service-related issues,” noting that “the democratic process in the country was founded on great sacrifices, which necessitates preserving and strengthening it by completing the constitutional requirements.”

In this context, the head of the Turkmen bloc in the Iraqi parliament, Arshad al-Salihi, announced that the United Iraqi Turkmen Front bloc will participate in Saturday’s session dedicated to electing the president of the republic, stressing his rejection of the continued political deadlock in the country.

Al-Salihi said in a statement received by Shafaq News Agency that “the bloc will participate in the session to elect the President of the Republic, and will not allow the political deadlock to continue,” expressing his hope for achieving consensus among the political forces, especially between the Kurdish and Shiite parties.

He pointed out that “Iraq is going through a sensitive and dangerous phase, which requires everyone to bear their national responsibilities,” calling for “the formation of a new Iraqi government that represents all components of the people and establishes a comprehensive political system that serves all Iraqis.”

According to Al-Salihi, the next government should be for all of Iraq and its components, not limited to specific components, indicating the need to move beyond the traditional quota system.

For its part, the Reconstruction and Development parliamentary bloc confirmed its intention to attend the election session, noting the importance of completing the constitutional requirements, foremost among them the election of the President of the Republic.

The bloc stated in a statement received by Shafaq News Agency that “electing the President of the Republic is a fundamental constitutional entitlement that cannot be delayed any further, given the challenges and obligations facing Iraq that require prioritizing the logic of the state and placing higher interests above any factional or political considerations.”

According to the statement, overcoming the political stagnation and the deliberate obstruction of constitutional entitlements is the true guarantee for turning citizens’ aspirations for development and prosperity into a tangible reality, stressing the need for all political forces to bear their national responsibilities.

The bloc also called on partners in the political process and all parliamentary blocs to attend the upcoming session and to act responsibly, “in fulfillment of the promises made to the people, and to protect the democratic process from any constitutional vacuum.”

In addition, the Sadiqun parliamentary bloc announced its commitment to attending the House of Representatives session for the election of the President of the Republic, stressing the steadfastness of its position and its seriousness in proceeding with this constitutional entitlement.

The bloc stated in a statement received by Shafaq News Agency that it “will be at the forefront of those present to embody the commitment to the constitution practically under the dome of parliament,” indicating its keenness to complete this file without delay.

The bloc called on all political forces to “bear their national responsibilities, prioritize the country’s best interests, and proceed with completing the constitutional requirements without obstruction, in a way that contributes to strengthening stability and consolidating citizens’ trust in constitutional institutions.”

It is worth noting that the National State Forces Alliance, headed by Ammar al-Hakim, and the Progress Party, headed by Mohammed al-Halbousi, confirmed on Thursday evening that their bloc’s representatives would attend the House of Representatives session scheduled for next Saturday, April 11, 2026, which is dedicated to electing the President of the Republic of Iraq.

The Iraqi parliament published yesterday, Thursday, the agenda for session number 17 scheduled to be held next Saturday, April 11.

The agenda, which was provided to Shafaq News Agency, included one item related to “electing the President of the Republic,” noting that the session would begin at eleven o’clock in the morning.

The session to elect the Iraqi president comes at a time when the coordinating framework that includes the ruling Shiite political forces in Iraq intends to decide on the position, whether or not an agreement is reached between the Kurdish forces, to whom this position has become allocated.

Iraqi political parties are trying to alleviate the internal pressure they are under, especially after several months have passed since the legislative elections in late 2025, and their failure to form the new Iraqi government.

After the fall of Saddam Hussein’s regime in the spring of 2003 at the hands of US forces and their allies, the major political forces of the Shiites, Kurds, and Sunnis adopted a quota system in distributing positions for the three presidencies: the Prime Minister’s office, the Republic, and Parliament.

The Coordination Framework had officially nominated Maliki on January 24, a move that opened the door to negotiations to form the new government, but the process faltered as disagreements continued over the election of the President of the Republic, the constitutional entitlement that precedes assigning the candidate of the largest bloc to form the government.

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Masoud Barzani draws a red line for the framework: no president without resolving the prime ministership issue.

Kurdish leader Masoud Barzani confirmed on Friday that he refuses to proceed with the election of the president of the republic without reaching a simultaneous agreement on the candidate for prime minister.

Barzani said in a tweet on the “X” platform, which was reviewed by Shafaq News Agency, that the insistence of some parties within the coordination framework on proceeding with the election of the President of the Republic, while others continue to fail to decide on a candidate for the Prime Minister, is “unacceptable.”

He pointed out that no constitutional entitlement should be pursued before the issue of the Prime Minister is resolved in conjunction with the election of the President of the Republic, in order to ensure the participation of all political parties in the next session of the House of Representatives.

Earlier today, the Deputy Speaker of the Iraqi Parliament, Farhad Atroushi, objected to the agenda of the session scheduled for Saturday to elect the President of the Republic, saying that proceeding with it in the absence of national and political consensus may deepen the disputes instead of ending the stalemate that has been hindering the formation of the government for months.

Atrushi’s stance comes despite major blocs announcing their intention to attend Saturday’s session. The National State Forces Alliance, led by Ammar al-Hakim, the Progress Party, led by Mohammed al-Halbousi, and several other blocs confirmed the participation of their representatives in the session. The Reconstruction and Development Bloc, supported by Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani, also announced its full attendance.

The Iraqi parliament published yesterday, Thursday, the agenda for session number 17 scheduled to be held next Saturday, April 11.

The agenda, which was provided to Shafaq News Agency, included one item related to “electing the President of the Republic,” noting that the session would begin at eleven o’clock in the morning.

The session to elect the Iraqi president comes at a time when the coordinating framework that includes the ruling Shiite political forces in Iraq intends to decide on the position, whether or not an agreement is reached between the Kurdish forces, to whom this position has become allocated.

Iraqi political parties are trying to alleviate the internal pressure they are under, especially after several months have passed since the legislative elections in late 2025, and their failure to form the new Iraqi government.

After the fall of Saddam Hussein’s regime in the spring of 2003 at the hands of US forces and their allies, the major political forces of the Shiites, Kurds, and Sunnis adopted a quota system in distributing positions for the three presidencies: the Prime Minister’s office, the Republic, and Parliament.

The Coordination Framework had officially nominated Maliki on January 24, a move that opened the door to negotiations to form the new government, but the process faltered as disagreements continued over the election of the President of the Republic, the constitutional entitlement that precedes assigning the candidate of the largest bloc to form the government.

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Oil Price: Two Chinese oil tankers, one carrying Iraqi oil, leave the Strait of Hormuz

Two Chinese oil tankers carrying Iraqi and Saudi crude oil rushed towards the exit of the Strait of Hormuz on Thursday, before stopping at the entrance to the strait, in an indication that the Chinese ship owners are apparently testing the conditions for resuming navigation.

A report by OilPrice.com, translated by Al-Maalomah News Agency, stated that the crude oil tanker “Cospiral Lake,” belonging to the Chinese state-owned shipping company COSCO, departed Basra, Iraq, in early March, and openly declares itself Chinese-owned and crewed, according to data from MarineTraffic.

The report added that the Chinese vessel is among several tankers that have been maneuvering in the Gulf in preparation for a possible passage through the Strait of Hormuz since the United States and Iran announced a two-week ceasefire on Tuesday evening.

The report explained that despite the ceasefire, which is conditional on Iran reopening the Strait of Hormuz, there has been little change in shipping traffic over the past 24 hours. While some ships have managed to depart, Iran remains in control, reportedly informing vessels via radio that they still require Tehran’s approval to transit the Strait of Hormuz.

The Danish shipping giant Maersk said in a statement following the ceasefire announcement: “Information and details are still very limited, and we are working urgently to obtain further clarification,” adding, “The ceasefire may offer opportunities for transit, but…” It does not yet provide a complete guarantee of safe navigation, and we need to understand all the potential conditions that may accompany it.

According to Windward Maritime Intelligence, “Coordination with the Iranian armed forces remains essential for all transit operations,” noting that “Iran has confirmed that this is done ‘within technical constraints’ without specifying what those constraints are, but all indications suggest that the Islamic Republic is seeking to maintain its influence over the waterway during ceasefire negotiations.”

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Regardless of the Kurdish agreement, the framework intends to decide on the position of President of the Republic and postpones the nomination of the Prime Minister.

The coordinating framework that includes the ruling Shiite political forces in Iraq intends to decide on the position of President of the Republic in the House of Representatives session scheduled to be held at the beginning of next week, whether or not an agreement is reached between the Kurdish forces, to whom this position has become their share, while the nomination of a candidate for the position of Prime Minister will be postponed until further notice due to the lack of agreement on this aspect.

Iraqi political parties are trying to alleviate the internal pressure they are under, especially after several months have passed since the legislative elections in late 2025 and their failure to form a new Iraqi government. Regional developments have added another layer of complexity to the scene, with security tensions escalating to unprecedented levels in the Middle East region.

In this regard, MP Jawad Rahim Al-Saadi, from the State Forces Alliance, told Shafaq News Agency that next Saturday’s session of the House of Representatives is dedicated to choosing the new President of the Republic of Iraq, stressing that, according to diplomatic and political custom, this position is allocated to the Kurdish forces, “specifically to the Patriotic Union,” as he put it.

After the Iraqi parliament elected its new speaker, who is from the Sunni component, it was the Kurds’ turn to present their candidate for the position of President of the Republic, which is from this component.

It has been customary for this position to go to the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan party, but in the last two election cycles, the Kurdistan Democratic Party objected to this and began demanding that a candidate from its party assume this position, especially after it swept the elections with the highest number of votes in the two cycles in the Kurdistan Region.

Regarding the Kurds’ position on Saturday’s session, Al-Saadi confirmed, “If they agree, the agreed-upon candidate for the position of President of the Republic will be passed by them, and if that does not happen, the choice will be up to the members of the House of Representatives.”

At the end of 2025, Kurdish leader Masoud Barzani called for a change in the mechanism for electing the Iraqi president, which is the “quota of the Kurds,” while he submitted a proposal that stipulates that this position be held by a candidate chosen by the Kurdish parties and blocs, and not necessarily be exclusive to the two main parties in the region (the Kurdistan Democratic Party and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan).

The issue of selecting a Kurdish candidate for the presidency of the Republic of Iraq, a position traditionally reserved for this component of Iraqi society, remains unresolved due to political disagreements and a lack of consensus between the two main parties in the Kurdistan Region.

After the fall of Saddam Hussein’s regime in the spring of 2003 at the hands of American forces and their allies, the major political forces of the Shiites, Kurds, and Sunnis adopted a quota system in distributing positions for the three presidencies: the Prime Minister’s office, the Republic, and Parliament.

Regarding the candidate of the Coordination Framework for the position of Prime Minister, the MP from the “State Forces Alliance” indicated that there is no agreed-upon candidate within the framework at the present time, revealing that the framework will present its candidate after the election of the President of the Republic.

The Coordination Framework had officially nominated Maliki on January 24, a move that opened the door to negotiations to form the new government, but the process faltered as disagreements continued over the election of the President of the Republic, the constitutional entitlement that precedes assigning the candidate of the largest bloc to form the government.

Any future prime minister in Iraq will face challenges in managing the balance between Iranian influence and American pressure, as well as the issue of armed factions linked to Tehran.

Pressure on Maliki’s nomination increased after US President Donald Trump announced on January 27 that Washington would not continue to support Iraq if Maliki returned to the premiership, while Maliki later said he would welcome a decision to replace his nomination if it came from the coalition that nominated him.

An informed political source revealed to Shafaq News Agency at the beginning of March that the Coordination Framework had withdrawn its nomination of Maliki for the position of Prime Minister.

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Al-Hakim urges the Kurds to decide on a presidential candidate to facilitate the formation of the Iraqi government.

The head of the National State Forces Alliance, Ammar al-Hakim, called on the Kurdish forces on Thursday to agree on a candidate for the position of President of the Republic, stressing that this consensus would “facilitate the task” for the rest of the political forces in completing the constitutional requirements.

This came during his meeting with the Turkish Ambassador to Baghdad, Anil Bora Inan, where they reviewed developments in the Iraqi and regional arenas, and ways to strengthen relations between the two neighboring countries.

According to a statement from his office seen by Shafaq News Agency, Al-Hakim expressed his hope for the continuation and adherence to the regional ceasefire, and the commencement of negotiations leading to a comprehensive agreement that guarantees lasting peace, stressing that “the dialogue table is capable of resolving all problems if the serious will is available.”

On the domestic front, Al-Hakim reiterated that the current circumstances in the region necessitate a “fully empowered government” capable of addressing security, economic, and service challenges, noting that resolving the presidential issue is the primary entry point for this process.

Al-Hakim’s call comes at a time when the coordinating framework that includes the ruling Shiite political forces in Iraq intends to decide on the position of President of the Republic in the House of Representatives session scheduled to be held at the beginning of next week, whether or not an agreement is reached between the Kurdish forces, to whom this position has become their share, while the nomination of a candidate for the position of Prime Minister will be postponed until further notice due to the lack of agreement on this aspect, according to what MP Jawad Rahim Al-Saadi of the National State Forces Alliance told Shafaq News Agency earlier today.

Iraqi political parties are trying to alleviate the internal pressure they are under, especially after several months have passed since the legislative elections in late 2025 and their failure to form a new Iraqi government. Regional developments have added another layer of complexity to the scene, with security tensions escalating to unprecedented levels in the Middle East region.

After the Iraqi parliament elected its new speaker, who is from the Sunni component, it was the Kurds’ turn to present their candidate for the position of President of the Republic, which is from this component.

It has been customary for this position to go to the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan party, but in the last two election cycles, the Kurdistan Democratic Party objected to this and began demanding that a candidate from its party assume this position, especially after it swept the elections with the highest number of votes in the two cycles in the Kurdistan Region.

At the end of 2025, Kurdish leader Masoud Barzani called for a change in the mechanism for electing the Iraqi president, which is the “quota of the Kurds,” while he submitted a proposal that stipulates that this position be held by a candidate chosen by the Kurdish parties and blocs, and not necessarily be exclusive to the two main parties in the region (the Kurdistan Democratic Party and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan).

The issue of selecting a Kurdish candidate for the presidency of the Republic of Iraq, a position traditionally reserved for this component of Iraqi society, remains unresolved due to political disagreements and a lack of consensus between the two main parties in the Kurdistan Region.

After the fall of Saddam Hussein’s regime in the spring of 2003 at the hands of American forces and their allies, the major political forces of the Shiites, Kurds, and Sunnis adopted a quota system in distributing positions for the three presidencies: the Prime Minister’s office, the Republic, and Parliament.

The Coordination Framework had officially nominated Maliki on January 24, a move that opened the door to negotiations to form the new government, but the process faltered as disagreements continued over the election of the President of the Republic, the constitutional entitlement that precedes assigning the candidate of the largest bloc to form the government.

Any future prime minister in Iraq will face challenges in managing the balance between Iranian influence and American pressure, as well as the issue of armed factions linked to Tehran.

Pressure on Maliki’s nomination increased after US President Donald Trump announced on January 27 that Washington would not continue to support Iraq if Maliki returned to the premiership, while Maliki later said he would welcome a decision to replace his nomination if it came from the coalition that nominated him.

An informed political source revealed to Shafaq News Agency at the beginning of March that the Coordination Framework had withdrawn its nomination of Maliki for the position of Prime Minister.

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23 years since the fall of Saddam’s regime… What has changed in Iraq?

After 2003, Iraq witnessed unprecedented security, political, economic and media transformations following the fall of the Baath Party regime led by Saddam Hussein.

On April 9, 23 years ago, the entry of American tanks into the heart of the Iraqi capital, Baghdad, marked a pivotal moment in the country’s history, ending 35 years of dictatorial rule and opening the door to a new phase full of both challenges and opportunities.

Since that date, Iraqis have faced a major shock to their national security, as the Iraqi army and the Ministries of Defense and Interior were dissolved, causing a security vacuum that led to the emergence of armed groups and terrorist organizations such as “Al-Qaeda” and then “ISIS”.

On the political front, the country has transformed from a totalitarian regime to a fragile pluralism, reflected in the conflicts between political forces and the divisions within Iraqi society, which have affected national identity, according to politicians.

The economy was not spared from these transformations either. While it moved from the stage of the embargo – which lasted for about 13 years – to the stage of openness, it became almost entirely dependent on oil.

This rentier economy has made Iraqis hostages to the fluctuations of global markets and regional geopolitical factors, as recently happened in the aftermath of the US-Iranian war and the closure of the Strait of Hormuz, which is a vital artery for Iraqi oil exports.

As for the media, Iraq has witnessed a radical transformation from a unified central media to a diverse media space, both technically and in content, but it still suffers from professional weakness and sectarian political influence, which is confirmed by the academic researcher Dr. Haider Shallal in his reading of the Iraqi media scene.

Political reality

To assess the transformations that have occurred in the Iraqi political system after the fall of the dictatorship, politicians confirm that “the political scene after 2003 was a difficult transitional phase,” as described by Fahd al-Jubouri, a leader in the Wisdom Movement led by Ammar al-Hakim, which is part of the coordinating framework that brings together the ruling Shiite political forces in the country.

Al-Jubouri told Shafaq News Agency, “The events that took place after 2003 until today, concerning a political class, a political system, a popular class, and the general public, and since five election cycles in which a part of the Iraqi street participated in choosing its representatives, have been full of challenges, from a repressive dictatorial regime to an undisciplined democratic phase, which resulted in major problems and ongoing crises.”

According to al-Jubouri, the political groups that formed after the invasion led to sharp divisions that affected national identity. He said: “Part of the Iraqi people lost their national identity, and alternative identities emerged, sectarian, ethnic, and partisan, which were reflected on social media, which became an arena for denouncing opinions, between those who are described as ‘patriots’ and others who call the objector ‘tail’ or ‘agent’.”

He points out that this “natural” political chaos after years of repression needs to be gradually regulated to restore the state to its central role, explaining: “We are now halfway to formulating a basic equation, which is for the state to be the sponsor and responsible for all the details. There are political forces that support this concept, but on the other hand, there are other forces that see it in their interest to weaken the state and hide its existence.”

security transformations

On the security front, Iraq faced enormous challenges from the first day of the invasion, beginning with a major strategic mistake made by the American civilian governor, Paul Bremer, by dissolving the Iraqi army and the Ministries of Defense and Interior, and dismissing about 400,000 soldiers. According to military expert Ali Al-Maamari, this decision was the main reason for the chaos of the early years.

The architect explained to Shafaq News Agency that “Bremer’s decision was unjust, as it left Iraq in a state of security anxiety and instability, which led to the emergence of armed groups, sectarian terrorism, and national divisions,” stressing that “Iraq today needs a national policy that transcends ideology to guarantee its sovereignty and the country’s security and stability.”

The military expert points out that the emergence of organizations such as “Al-Qaeda” later on, and then “ISIS”, revealed the fragility of the security institutions at that stage, and led to an armed conflict that lasted for years, in which the Iraqi citizen had his share of fear and suffering.

He affirms that “the next stage is to impose the state on everyone, after turning the page on the challenges of (ISIS) and the security breakdown, so that the state can take its natural place in the parliamentary political system as stipulated in the constitution.”

Iraqi economy

From an economic standpoint, the Iraqi economy moved from a state of siege and sanctions after 2003 to a new phase, but it did not achieve the desired ambitions, according to economic expert Mustafa Al-Faraj.

Al-Faraj explained to Shafaq News Agency that “the economy has not only moved from a blockade to openness, but has become almost entirely dependent on oil,” noting that “any talk of reform is linked to three axes, starting with decoupling the budget from oil prices, then diversifying sources of income, and finally building real economic institutions.”

Although Iraq possesses enormous resources, it suffers from high unemployment, poor services, and financial fragility, according to the economist, who stressed that “the one-sided dependence on oil makes the economy hostage to price fluctuations and geopolitical factors, while the absence of other production sectors such as agriculture and industry has led to the inflation of the public sector at the expense of real production.”

Al-Faraj also points to another challenge arising from the opening up to imports after 2003, saying that “this opening up has whetted the appetite of traders and neighboring countries at the expense of the local product, which increases the fragility of the Iraqi economy despite the huge resources.”

Media transformations

The effects of the transformation 23 years ago were not limited to politics, security and the economy, but extended to include the media, which also witnessed a radical transformation after 2003, according to media professor Dr. Haider Shallal.

Shalal explained to Shafaq News Agency that “the media has moved from a centralized, directed approach to an open, pluralistic space, and the means have multiplied and the discourses have diversified, but it has suffered from weak professional and legislative organization, which has made the media an arena of conflict between political, religious and social forces, while affecting the credibility of the content.”

The development of technology has contributed to the rise of digital media and made the public an active participant in content creation, but the lack of professionalism and the spread of hate speech remain a challenge, according to Shalal, who stressed: “There is still a need to build a balanced, professional media that combines freedom and responsibility, and calms souls instead of terrifying them.”

Regional context

For his part, Essam Al-Faily, a professor of political science at Al-Mustansiriya University, presents a broader strategic vision that links all local transformations to regional and media transformations, saying that “the fall of the regime in 2003 was the beginning of the New Middle East project.”

Al-Faily told Shafaq News Agency that “the fall of the regime in 2003 contributed to the peaceful fall of multiple regimes, and created a large Israeli presence in the Arab region through new diplomatic relations, and also contributed to the depletion of the economic capabilities of countries due to internal conflicts.”

He concludes by saying that “the period after 2003 drew a new map of the Middle East, almost equivalent to the Sykes-Picot Agreement, and major economic and security projects will emerge in the next phase.”

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