Al-Zamili: The next parliament session will witness a vote on three paragraphs

Al-Zamili: The next parliament session will witness a vote on three paragraphs

الزاملي: جلسة البرلمان المقبلة ستشهد التصويت على ثلاث فقراتBaghdad / Obelisk: The First Deputy Speaker of Parliament, Hakim Al-Zamili, revealed, three paragraphs during the next parliament session.

Al-Zamili said, in a statement followed by the obelisk, that “the House of Representatives includes deputies who do not look to their parties, but to the interest of Iraq,” noting that “the interest in forming a government and choosing a president representing Iraq.”

He added, “The next parliament session will include several paragraphs, including voting on committees, voting on the rules of procedure for the division of committees, and voting on choosing the president of the republic.”

The Speaker of the House of Representatives, Muhammad al-Halbousi, set Saturday, March 26, as the date for the House of Representatives session to elect the President of the Republic.

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Talabani hints at ‘one candidate’ for the presidency: It is not too late

Talabani hints at ‘one candidate’ for the presidency: It is not too late

Talabani hints at 'one candidate' for the presidency: It is not too lateBaghdad – The President of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan, Bafel Talabani, hinted , on Thursday, to the possibility of agreeing on one candidate for the presidency of the Republic, during his meeting with a delegation from the European Union.

During his meeting with the delegation (March 17, 2022), in Dabashan, Sulaymaniyah, Talabani said: “It is not too late, and we can all put political and personal conflicts aside, and present one candidate for the presidency, in a patriotic spirit, to strengthen the entity of the Kurdistan region and protect the higher interests.”

Talabani stressed, “The situation in Iraq requires a settlement and mutual understanding in order to form a strong and effective government that provides peace and stability for the people.”

And last Monday, Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP), Majid Shankali, said that the time for negotiations with the PUK has ended, and it may be difficult to return to an agreement, suggesting that it is likely to go towards the 2018 scenario.

Shankali stressed: “The time for negotiations with the PUK has ended, and the reality of the situation today is that both parties have a candidate for the presidency,” noting that “the recent Iranian attack on Erbil may be a political pressure, not a security one.”

He added, “After the Nowruz holidays, the features of the next government will become clear, in light of the recent rapprochement between the coordination framework and the Sadrist movement, and it is possible that the two Kurdish parties will enter the national space with two candidates to choose him as President of the Republic, and the chances of our candidate are greater than those of the National Union candidate.”

He pointed out that “the last meeting in El-Hanana led to the participation of the coordination framework in the next government, but the tripartite alliance still remains, and this certainly does not satisfy the framework, who want a broader participation.”

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Iraq’s parliament sets date for selecting president from Kurdish ranks

Iraq’s parliament sets date for selecting president from Kurdish ranks

Iraq's parliament sets date for selecting president from Kurdish ranksThe selection of Iraqi president have been delayed because of the sharp division between the two main Kurdish parties over which candidate should fill the role reserved for their group.

Iraqi political parties are divided sharply over selecting the new president. The role is reserved for a Kurd, who has usually come from the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK).

However, PUK’s rival, the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP), is allied with largest Sunni party (Taqaddom, led by Muhammad Halbousi) and the largest Shiite party (Sadrists, led by Muqtada Sadr). On the other side, the Coordination Framework, consisting of mostly Iran-backed groups, are supporting a second term for the current president, Barham Saleh, who is affiliated with the PUK.

The parliament has set March 26 as the date to elect the President. 40 candidates are registered for the post, including Barham Saleh.

Non-Kurdish parties are waiting for the end of the crisis between the two Kurdish parties. The delay caused by this division entails another delay for the Shiites in agreeing on the upcoming prime minister.

Kazem al-Haidari, a member of the State of Law coalition led by Nuri al-Maliki, announced March 5 an unsuccessful initiative put forward by the Coordinating Framework that includes Shiite political and armed forces to resolve the Kurdish crisis. Haidari, however, did not address the content of the initiative, its details, or even its mechanisms.

The initiative shows that the Shiite and Sunni parties have not yet been able to to bring the Kurdish parties together at the negotiating table. But both groups have insisted on their right to the post of President of the Republic.

A leading KDP member, Shwan Muhammad Taha, told Al-Monitor, “There are no serious mediations. … The PUK wants mediation and negotiations that fall only within its best interest.”

He added, “The presidential position reverts to the Kurdish component, and not exclusively to the PUK. Ultimately, this issue must be settled by Parliament where the party with the most votes will win.”

According to the political practice in Iraq since 2003, the President of the Republic position is filled usually by a Kurd. The PUK, led by the Talabani family, has been filling this post since 2005. The KDP competed with it in 2018, but did not succeed.

The Shiites and Sunnis have yet to put forward any concrete initiative, although the leader of the Popular Mobilization Unit (PMU)-affiliated Babylon faction, Rayan al-Kildani, an ally of Iran in Iraq, proposed an initiative during his visit to the KDP leader, Massoud Barzani. According to a statement by Babylon, Kildani expressed his readiness to serve as the link between all parties.

Al-Monitor spoke to PUK leader Rizan al-Sheikh, who denied any initiatives or efforts by the Shiite and Sunni parties to bring the Kurds closer together. “What is being proposed are mere expressions of intentions and attempts to settle matters. All of this falls within the scope of efforts aimed to strip us of the presidency. This is something we do not accept,” she said.

Both the Shiite and Sunni parties seem to be exploiting the intra-Kurdish disagreement to gain time, and both are trying to justify their failure to come up with initiatives to solve the crisis.

The PUK believes it is entitled to the post of President of the Republic, but the KDP fears this position would be consecrated to the PUK, just as the post of Prime Minister has been reserved to Shiites and the speaker of Parliament has been reserved to Sunnis over the past 19 years.

When the Federal Court rejected the KDP candidacy of Hoshyar Zebari, Massoud Barzani’s uncle, the KDP nominated a new candidate: the Kurdistan region’s interior minister, Reber Ahmed Barzani. The move reflected the family’s insistence on keeping the presidential post. Nechirvan Barzani is the president of the Kurdistan Region of Iraq, and his cousin Masrour Barzani is the prime minister.

The power struggle between the two Kurdish parties escalated, especially with Barzani not nominating any candidate from outside his family. Some members of the Coordinating Framework expressed their rejection of Barzani’s presidential candidate in political salons and television programs, and they seemed to support Barham Salih, whom they had always accused of being the agent of the US and the West.

An Iraqi politician in a Shiite party affiliated with the Coordination Framework spoke to Al-Monitor on condition of anonymity. “Iran’s allies now support Salih for a second term, and this is based on the recommendation of Iran,” he said.

The Federal Supreme Court’s ban on Zebari’s candidacy, in addition to decreeing the parliamentary so-called “blocking third”, are all hurdles for the tripartite alliance between Massoud Barzani, Muqtada al-Sadr and Muhammad al-Halbousi — an alliance that Iran did not want.

Meanwhile, the Kurds’ protracted failure to achieve a consensus on the presidential post seems to offer an opportunity for Iran and its allies who lost in the elections. The Kurdish dispute will grant Tehran the time it needs to reposition the Shiite forces in one alliance, or at least involve them all in the next government.

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Al-Halbousi announces the date of the presidential election session

Al-Halbousi announces the date of the presidential election session

Al-Halbousi announces the date of the presidential election session{Politics: Al Furat News} The Speaker of Parliament, Muhammad Al-Halbousi, announced, on Tuesday evening, the date of the session for the election of the President of the Republic.

Al-Halbousi said, in a brief statement, which {Euphrates News} received a copy of, that: “It was decided to set Saturday, March 26, as the date for the parliament session to elect the president of the republic.”

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The monetary impact of the dollar sale window

The monetary impact of the dollar sale window

Dollar sales through the central bank window are economically classified according to the Open Market Operations method. In Iraq, a year later, the political change was followed for the purpose of controlling the exchange rate, and it is an important part of monetary policy, as the exchange rate was considered a nominal fixer for the policy after losing the exchange rate. Interest is the ability to influence due to the structural imbalance in economic activity resulting from dependence on oil and the atrophy of investments and the loss of their flexibility to a large extent towards the interest rate. It controls the general rate of prices to a relatively large extent.

The monetary impact of the window plays an important economic role in the field of the duties of the central bank within its central goal in controlling inflation by influencing the monetary mass within the economy, and here the process indicates to us another structural defect, as the government’s monopoly on the main resource in the economy, which is oil and the proportions it constitutes It is high in GDP, with an average rate of more than 48%, its concentration in exports is 99%, and its contribution to budget revenues has reached an average rate of 92%, and therefore it is the largest contributor to the percentages of GDP improvements, and the issue here is that these government revenues achieve a growing ability to spend, Since the process is based on a barter between the Ministry of Finance and the Central Bank, the first party grants the dollar to the second party and it becomes a debt on it, so that the second party compensates it in dinars to return it to the Ministry of Finance.

And since the volume of output is dependent, according to the mentioned ratios, on oil and it is in a productive development, as the production capacity has reached five million barrels and it is hoped that it will reach eight in 2027 according to the ministry’s plans, and these expansions lead to improvements in output, and here is the most important reason for the growth of the monetary mass issued by the bank according to the equation mentioned, as these increases are added to the activity mainly through government spending.

The control of inflation rates lies in the procedures of the window, as it withdraws part of the cash mass by exchanging the window dollars for the street dinars, and this is a process (sterilization) of the effects of government spending, which is a very expensive process, and one of the factors that undermine capital accumulation.

We point out another structural imbalance, which is that the dollar’s ​​only source is oil, and the concentration ratio proves this, and then meeting the demand for the dollar internally to cover imports has no way except by withdrawing the government dollar, and this is what the window does, which means that it is important on the financial level, as it is The guarantor of the flow of goods is also important in monetary terms, as the bank was able to control inflation rates by withdrawing the inflationary impact of the continuous growth of the monetary mass as a result of government spending.

Here is the response to the calls to abolish the window on the pretext of the great corruption that accompanies its work, and the calls for (dollarization) without understanding its impact. The solution in the short term lies in the legal treatment of corruption in the window, but in the medium and long term, it is the treatment of the structural imbalance that imposes the existence of the window.

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The exchange rate increases the flames of the market; Calls for treatment to lift the burden on the citizen!

The exchange rate increases the flames of the market; Calls for treatment to lift the burden on the citizen!

سعر الصرف يزيد لهيب السوق ودعوة لمعالجات ثابتة ترفع الأعباء عن المواطنThe rise in prices in the markets and the price of the dollar against the dinar is still the most important concern for the citizen and public opinion alike, and despite the package of reforms launched by the government to find immediate solutions to the price rise crisis, but the issue of the value of the dollar against the dinar remains the biggest obstacle in the way of market stability, which increased The size of the challenge is the court’s entry into the line of the case, after postponing its session, which it held last Tuesday, to the fourth of the same next April, to consider the exchange rate of the dollar.

At a time when a parliamentarian stressed the importance of the reform steps taken by the government, but indicated that they will not be sufficient unless they are followed by long-term fixed measures to reduce the burden on citizens, while an economic expert ruled out the possibility of reducing the price of the dollar against the dinar in the near coming period for several reasons.

Representative of the State of Law coalition, Muhammad Hassan Radi, confirmed that the government’s steps and the package it launched to address the price hike was a good behavior and an immediate solution that we commend, but it needs solutions and firm measures to control prices and ease the burdens of citizens.

Radi said in an interview with Alsumaria News, “The devaluation of the dinar against the dollar made the citizen lose a lot of the purchasing value of his monthly income, and what increased the burden on the people is the high prices as a result of the international economic crisis that occurred due to the Russian-Ukrainian war,” noting that “the steps of the government and the package Which I launched to address the rise in prices, especially in providing a financial grant to some groups of society, was a good behavior and a quick solution that we commend it.”

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Calls To Cancel The Dollar Sale Window On The Pretext Of The Great Corruption That Accompanies Its Work

Calls To Cancel The Dollar Sale Window On The Pretext Of The Great Corruption That Accompanies Its Work

Independent Press AgencyThe Independent / Dollar sales operations through the window of the Central Bank are economically classified according to the Open Market Operations method, and they followed in Iraq a year later the political change for the purpose of controlling the exchange rate, which is an important part of monetary policy, as the exchange rate was considered a nominal fixer for the policy.

After the interest rate lost the ability to influence due to the structural imbalance in economic activity caused by dependence on oil and the atrophy of investments and the loss of their flexibility to a large extent towards the interest rate, on the other hand, the internal market became highly dependent on the outside and the goods and services supplied to it. The fixing of the exchange rate controls the general rate of prices to a relatively large extent.

The monetary impact of the window plays an important economic role in the field of the duties of the central bank within its central goal in controlling inflation by influencing the monetary mass within the economy, and here the process indicates to us another structural defect, as the government’s monopoly on the main resource in the economy, which is oil and the proportions it constitutes It is high in GDP, with an average rate of more than 48%, its concentration in exports is 99%, and its contribution to budget revenues is at an average rate of 92%, and therefore it is the largest contributor to the improvements in GDP.

The issue here is that these government revenues achieve a growing ability to spend, Since the process is based on a barter between the Ministry of Finance and the Central Bank, the first party grants the dollar to the second party and it becomes a debt on it, so that the second party compensates it in dinars to return it to the Ministry of Finance.

And since the volume of output is dependent, according to the mentioned ratios, on oil and it is in a productive development, as the production capacity has reached five million barrels and it is hoped that it will reach eight in 2027 according to the ministry’s plans, and these expansions lead to improvements in output, and here is the most important reason for the growth of the monetary mass issued by the bank according to the equation mentioned, as these increases are added to the activity mainly through government spending.

The control of inflation rates lies in the procedures of the window, as it withdraws part of the cash mass by exchanging the window dollars for the street dinars, and this is a process (sterilization) of the effects of government spending, which is a very expensive process, and one of the factors that undermine capital accumulation.

We point out another structural imbalance, which is that the dollar’s ​​only source is oil, and the concentration ratio proves this, and then meeting the demand for the dollar internally to cover imports has no way except by withdrawing the government dollar, and this is what the window does, which means that it is important on the financial level, as it is The guarantor of the flow of goods is also important in monetary terms, as the bank was able to control inflation rates by withdrawing the inflationary impact of the continuous growth of the monetary mass as a result of government spending.

Here is the response to the calls to abolish the window on the pretext of the great corruption that accompanies its work, and the calls for (dollarization) without understanding its impact. The solution in the short term lies in the legal treatment of corruption in the window, but in the medium and long term, it is the treatment of the structural imbalance that imposes the existence of the window.

Mustaqila.com

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It is time to raise the price of the Iraqi dinar against the dollar

It is time to raise the price of the Iraqi dinar against the dollar

Pratha News AgencySince the Iraqi government issued its decision in December 2020 to devalue the Iraqi dinar, controversy has been raging in Iraq about the feasibility of this step, its obligations, and the effects it may have. It is common in Iraq to describe the reduction of the price of the dinar against foreign currencies, and the US dollar in particular, as “raising the price of the dollar.” This is a mistake because the value of the dollar did not rise, but the value of the Iraqi dinar was reduced by a government decision. And if this procedure was justified when it was taken, then it has become a matter of reversing it, necessitated by several economic considerations, which we will discuss in this study.

Usually a country has its own currency that is commonly used in internal financial and commercial transactions, while foreign currencies are used in foreign exchanges. The country pegs its currency at a specific exchange rate against foreign currencies, which makes the value of the currency guaranteed. Of course, there is the exception of floating the currency, i.e. liberating it from any controls or interventions by the government or the central bank, a procedure that countries sometimes resort to to allow the prices of their floating currencies to fluctuate in line with the fluctuations of supply and demand for currencies in the market.

The devaluation of the currency is one of the monetary policy tools that countries resort to in some cases. In practice, this means that the authority concerned with managing monetary policy in the country takes an official decision to reduce the value of the local currency against foreign currencies, which automatically leads to an increase in foreign exchange rates, which explains the common confusion of many as they describe the devaluation of the currency as Increase in foreign exchange rates.

For example, if we assume that the Central Bank of Iraq took a decision today to devalue the Iraqi dinar, the result of this is to modify the dollar exchange rate from 1460.50 Iraqi dinars, which is its price at the time of writing these lines, to an amount equal to a higher amount in Iraqi dinars, let’s say 2000 Iraqi dinars, for example.

The authorities supervising monetary policy usually seek to maintain a fixed exchange rate for a currency in the exchange market. This requires the monetary authorities to intervene in the movement of exchanges in the exchange market by influencing the volume of supply or demand for foreign currency through the use of its foreign currency reserves, the US dollar, the euro, or others, to buy the local currency from the market at a specific price.

This leads to maintaining a constant demand for the local currency in order to prevent a decrease in the value of this local currency and, accordingly, to maintain the stability of its exchange rate. In this case, it is required that the government have sufficient reserves of currency or foreign currencies to enable it to make purchases. Hence, the ability of governments to support the demand for the local currency is linked to their possession of sufficient quantities of foreign currencies and the continued flow of these foreign currencies to their financial stock.

In December 2020, the Iraqi government resorted to devaluing the Iraqi dinar against the US dollar by 20%. To clarify the direct effects of that decision, it is sufficient to point out that the official exchange rate of the US dollar in the Iraqi market before this decision was 1189 Iraqi dinars, and after the new decision the value of the dinar declined and the exchange rate rose to 1458 against the dollar. This decision came after the Iraqi stockpile of foreign exchange decreased as a result of the significant drop in oil prices at the time.

Usually, the rationale for such monetary measures is that the downward slide of the local currency value curve raises the value of foreign cash reserves against the domestic currency. Thus, instead of the government printing more of its domestic currency notes, it can get more returns in local currency from its foreign exchange reserves.

At first glance, the result of this is a large growth overnight in the government’s stock of money, but this growth does not occur naturally, but is artificially created through monetary policies. For example, if we assume that the Iraqi government had $1,000 in its reserves prior to the devaluation of the dinar, that was equal to only 1,189,000 Iraqi dinars, while the value of this thousand dollars would rise after the devaluation of the Iraqi currency to 1,458,000 Iraqi dinars.

Accordingly, the Iraqi government’s coffers of domestic cash on paper will grow by 20%, while the volume of cash reserves in foreign currency remains constant without any change. This will create the false impression that the Iraqi government has become richer or has greater financial capacity than it was before the devaluation.

Undoubtedly, there are major positive macroeconomic effects of currency devaluation. A devaluation of the currency makes the country’s exports of that currency cheaper in international markets. Thus, this contributes, at least in theory, to an increase in the volume of exports of that country and thus to the strengthening of economic activity. In addition, the depreciation of the local currency against foreign currencies can make the devaluation country a more attractive and competitive tourist destination, which creates opportunities for foreign capital inflow. This could also attract foreign investors to invest their money in investment opportunities in this country that require them to bear lower costs to start projects compared to what they may incur to seize similar opportunities and projects in other countries.

However, although the devaluation of the currency may give the government the appearance of financial health and a prosperous economy, there are severe effects that will be reflected on the economy in general, unleashing a cascade of negative effects that will negatively affect all individuals and families that live in that state.

It is unlikely that the relative positive effects of currency devaluation will be realized in the case of Iraq, because its non-oil exports are very small, as it imports most of its food and commodities from abroad. As for oil, Iraq’s exports are constrained by adherence to the quota system set by OPEC, not to mention the existence of technical and structural constraints on its ability to produce and export. The destabilization of the security and political situation, or at least the perception abroad that Iraq suffers from insecurity and lacks political stability, continues to reduce the competitiveness of Iraqi tourism, especially non-religious tourism.

Perhaps the most significant and most severe effect of currency devaluation is that the decrease in the purchasing power of this currency reduces the demand for it. A holder of a banknote of 25,000 dinars, for example, will get a smaller amount in dollars, sterling, euros, or other, if he decides to spend it abroad, for example, if he decides to travel abroad for any purpose, whether tourism, recreation, or study. , or hospitalization, or something else. What is worse is that its owner will buy with it less goods or foodstuffs than he could have bought before the devaluation.

Thus, the local currency will no longer be desirable, which will lead investors or owners of capital to abandon it by exchanging what they have in the local currency and converting it into foreign currencies in order to reduce their losses and protect their capital. It will lead to a ‘herd mentality’ (herd mentality), which is based on the behavior of imitating others in what they do just because they do so, to the rush of capital owners to convert their money into foreign currencies, which may lead to additional declines in the value of the local currency, meaning that the effect of this will be similar to the fall of stones Dominoes arranged one after the other so that the fall of the first stone leads to the succession of falling of the following stones, and this is known in social and political sciences as the “domino effect”. In the end, the population will face economic inflation, which, if the state does not confront it by raising wage rates at rates equal to it, will eventually lead to negative life and economic manifestations such as low standards of life, weak ability to spend and purchase, and a contraction of economic activity.

Here we are asked a question: Should the Iraqi government re-value the Iraqi dinar? The position of the Iraqi Finance Minister on this issue is clear. He considers that there is no room for revaluation of the currency and that this is not possible and defies logic because of the repercussions and dire consequences that it will entail. But while revaluation may have negative effects, revaluation is actually possible and will lead to greater economic benefits. Below we will try to explore the advantages and disadvantages of revaluing the dinar at the present time.

Raising the value of the currency is in contradiction with the policy of devaluing it, because it will raise the value of the Iraqi dinar against foreign currencies, especially the US dollar. If the government takes a decision to raise the value of the dinar, we may return to an exchange rate equal to or close to the previous exchange rate, which is 1189 dinars to the dollar, based on the rate that the government will consider appropriate.

Taking such a decision will raise the purchasing power of individuals and families who have balances in Iraqi dinars, and the prices of imported materials in the local market will decrease, which will contribute to providing better quality and more diverse foreign products to the Iraqi consumer in the local market. With the decline in import prices and the rise in the value of the dinar, prices in the market will adjust in proportion to the new exchange rate, which will lead to a decline in inflation levels, without necessarily implying the return of the inflation level to what it was before the devaluation of the currency.

The increase in the purchasing power of the Iraqi consumer and the improvement in the quality and quality of goods available in the market will lead to greater demand for spending and make the economy in general in a more healthy position, which will make Iraq more attractive to foreign investors. Also, re-raising the value of the dinar will provide the Iraqi government with greater liquidity from foreign currencies, which will help it to pay off any sovereign debts owed by it to foreign countries, because the Iraqi dinar will buy a larger amount of foreign currencies, which will reduce the burden of debt repayment.

On the other hand, it is also important to take into consideration the downside of revaluation. The higher the value of the currency, the more expensive it becomes for foreigners, which will weaken the ability of foreign tourists or suppliers of goods and commodities to Iraq to buy Iraqi goods and services compared to what it was before the re-value of the dinar was revalued. This could lead to less foreign money flowing into the tourism and hospitality sectors, including hotels and restaurants, as well as prompting foreign countries to look for cheaper alternatives to Iraqi exports.

But if we take the reality of the Iraqi economy and the fact that the main commodity that Iraq exports is oil, then an analysis of the costs and benefits of re-raising the value of the dinar will lead us to an estimate of how this measure affects Iraq’s competitiveness in the global oil market. It is also important to take into consideration the developments of the war currently raging in Ukraine, and the resulting rise in oil prices. It is certain that the rise in oil prices alone will raise the level of the flow of US dollars into the Iraqi state treasury. But at the moment we do not have any information that would help us to arrive at an accurate estimate of the length of time that oil prices will remain high in the future. Perhaps the current rise in the price of oil in the world market will be short-lived and will recede as soon as a solution is reached between the two warring countries, or if OPEC decides to raise production quotas in order to reduce world oil prices.

The Iraqi government can consider keeping the situation as it is and not raising the value of the dinar. However, it seems that the economic benefits of revaluing the dinar far outweigh the policy of stalling at the current situation. Therefore, it deserves a closer objective look away from the tumultuous political wrangling. The timing of the dinar revaluation step is critical. The current time is very appropriate for that, especially in light of the significant rise in oil prices, the reluctance of OPEC to raise production quotas, and the continuation of the raging international conflict in and around Ukraine, which is putting pressure in the direction of high oil prices and high international demand for it.

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The Federal Court decides to postpone the lawsuit to raise the exchange rate of the dollar

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Foreign Minister: The government is moving towards creating an attractive environment for foreign investment

Foreign Minister: The government is moving towards creating an attractive environment for foreign investment

Baghdad – Mawazine News, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Fouad Hussein, confirmed, on Friday, that the government is moving towards creating an environment that attracts foreign investment.

And the ministry stated in a statement that Mawazine News received a copy of it, that “Foreign Minister Fuad Hussein met with Cuban Deputy Foreign Minister Ananyancy Rodrigues Camillo on the sidelines of the Antalya Diplomatic Forum,” noting that “during the meeting, they discussed strengthening bilateral relations, and consulting on how to deal with them.” With various issues and regional challenges, which Iraq calls for finding sustainable solutions to enhance stability in the region.

The Minister stressed the “importance of strengthening aspects of bilateral relations by diversifying the frameworks of consultation and joint cooperation, in a way that contributes to achieving security and stability in the region,” expressing ”
He pointed out that “the government is moving towards creating an environment that attracts foreign investment, providing means of developing promising investment opportunities for foreign companies to invest in Iraq, and joint coordination between the two countries.”

For her part, Anayansi Rodrigues affirmed “her government’s keenness to establish the best relations with Iraq because of its strategic importance in the Middle East, and that her country’s administration is keen to push forward bilateral cooperation with Baghdad in various fields in the next stage.” Ended 29 / h

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