It is EVICT MALIKI DAY + ONE HUNDRED THIRTEEN (113) or " E - M DAY + 113 "
Tuesday, 15 July 2014 21:23
Baghdad (AIN) –The Speaker of the Parliament and his two Deputy Speakers assumed their duties officially.
The Parliament succeeded in electing Speaker of the Parliament, Salim al-Jebuori, and his first Deputy, Haider al-Ebadi, as well as his 2nd deputy, Aram al-Sheikh Mohamed.
Iraq parliament elects Kurdish politician Fuad Masum as new president
KURDISH politician Fuad Masum has become the new president of Iraq, in a step towards forming a new government that visiting UN chief Ban Ki-moon says must be inclusive for the country to survive.
Haydar al-Abbadi Is the New Iraq PM Candidate
Posted by Reidar Visser on Monday, 11 August 2014 13:48
Today, what remains of the pan-Shiite National Alliance formally presented Haydar al-Abbadi of the Daawa party as their PM candidate. Abbadi will be charged by President Fuad Masum to replace the current PM, Nuri al-Maliki.
The political realities behind this move can be summarized as follows. For some weeks, pressure has been building inside Maliki’s State of Law coalition to have him changed. Finally today, factions led by Haydar al-Abbadi of the Daawa and Hussein al-Shahristani, the current deputy PM, broke with Maliki to nominate Abbadi for PM. Early reports suggests 38 Daawa MPs and 12 members of the Shahristani bloc abandoned Maliki, leaving him with the backing of only around 45 members of the original 95-member State of Law bloc. It is worth noting that the traditionally pro-Iranian Badr organization has not been enumerated among the 128 or so supporters of Abbadi.
Constitutionally and legally, today’s developments also clear the air. Until yesterday, Maliki could plausibly plead the case that the president should have charged him with forming the government before the official deadline expired. However, today’s action by the Shiite alliance showed that Maliki’s claim to represent the largest bloc no longer has any basis, because State of Law has disintegrated. Accordingly, Maliki’s promise to bring the case before the Iraqi federal supreme court will be of academic interest only. Any attempt by him to challenge the nomination through other means than the court will be profoundly anti-democratic.
Haydar al-Abbadi is a former finance minister who is well liked by groups outside the Daawa and State of Law, who elected him as deputy speaker for the new parliament earlier. He will now have 30 days to present his cabinet for approval by the Iraqi parliament with an absolute majority.
Start commissioning (Abadi) by a presidential decree By khabaar khaba 11/08/2014 04:58
The leader of the Supreme Council, led by Mr. Ammar al-Hakim, Fadi al-Shammari reporter Agency for News News (et) shortly before the start of commissioning procedures by a presidential decree for the National Alliance candidate for prime minister Haider al-Abadi.
The feet of the National Alliance, a leader in the coalition of state law and the Dawa Party, Haider Abadi, head of the new government.
And got Agency for News News (et) on official documents show that the Alliance was formally presented to the prime minister, al-Abadi.
Aajl..masom cost Abadi to form the next government Monday, August 11 / August 2014 15:10
Commissioned by President Fuad Masum, the day Monday, the National Alliance candidate for prime minister Haidar al-Abbadi to form a government.
According to a source familiar with told all of Iraq [where] that "the infallible and after Abadi nomination for prime minister instructed the latter to form the next government."
The National Reform Movement, led by Ibrahim al-Jaafari announced officially on Monday, the nomination of the leader of the Islamic Dawa Party and the current First Deputy Speaker of the House Haider Abadi for the post of prime minister in the government Aljdidh.anthy
First: The President of the Republic shall charge the nominee of the largest
Council of Representatives bloc with the formation of the Council of Ministers
within fifteen days from the date of the election of the President of the Republic.
Second: The Prime Minister-designate shall undertake the naming of the members
of his Council of Ministers within a period not to exceed thirty days from the date
of his designation.
Third: If the Prime Minister-designate fails to form the Council of Ministers
during the period specified in clause “Second,” the President of the Republic shall
charge a new nominee for the post of Prime Minister within fifteen days.
Fourth: The Prime Minister-designate shall present the names of his members of
the Council of Ministers and the ministerial program to the Council of
Representatives. He is deemed to have gained its confidence upon the approval,
by an absolute majority of the Council of Representatives, of the individual
Ministers and the ministerial program.
Fifth: The President of the Republic shall charge another nominee to form the
Council of Ministers within fifteen days in case the Council of Ministers did not
win the vote of confidence.
Published on Aug 11, 2014
Declared the presidency formally approve commissioning Haider Abadi, the formation of the new government.
Sources of Baghdadi President Fuad Masum, cost-Abadi told a news conference at the headquarters of the Presidency and the presence of the President of Parliament, Salim al.
, and The National Alliance has announced his candidacy Haider Abadi, in a letter sent to the presidency attached to the signing of 127 MPs from the National Alliance, representing blocs of advocacy and independent Almndutin in the State of Law coalition and the Liberal blocs and coalitions of citizens and reform and virtue.
- Birth and maintain: 1952 Baghdad
His father, Dr. Jawad al-Abadi doctor known and who served as director of the hospital nervous in Baghdad and the inspector general of the Health Ministry and has his retirement in 1979 in the list of 42 doctors decision of the Revolution Command Council dissolved due to lack of loyalty to the Baath regime. Died in London and was buried where not to allow the former regime opponents to bury their dead in their own country.
MP Haydar Abbadi
- Completed the study in the elementary and middle eastern Karrada in Baghdad.
- Finished junior high school in junior high in central Baghdad in 1970.
- He holds a bachelor's degree from the University of Technology in Baghdad in electrical engineering in 1975.
- Familiarize doctoral and master's degrees at the University of Manchester in England at his own expense, and earned a doctorate in electrical and electronic engineering in 1980.
- Belonged to the Islamic Dawa Party in 1967, a few days after a setback in June at the age of fifteen years and practiced his activity in the party and in the outside in the security conditions extremely dangerous, especially with the takeover of the Baath regime on the capabilities of the country and the arrest of some officials partisans who persevered steadfastness of the heroes and the martyrdom of others mercy God.
- Currently in charge of the Political Bureau of the Party and spokesman in his name in addition to his membership in the leadership of the Islamic Dawa Party.
- Took over the responsibility to speak on behalf of the Islamic Dawa Party in Britain and abroad, especially to the media, global in exposing the crimes of the former regime and found guilty and defend the Iraqi people and the rejection of the blockade imposed on it, and attendance at international forums and in the UN definition Bmazlomah the Iraqi people at a time when much of the world is silent or supports the Baathist regime in its crimes against the Iraqi people.
- Has had a prominent presence in opposition to the Baathist regime and decisively to address the elements of the former regime and abroad participated in the activities of the opposition against the regime and also contributed to the national conferences of the opposition which was attended by the Islamic Dawa Party.
- In 1983, his passport was withdrawn by order of the Presidency of the intelligence system on charges of activity hostile to the Baath regime by documents found.
- In 1982, the Baath regime executed two of his brothers, one a university professor and two employees in the state on charges of belonging to the Islamic Dawa Party. In 1981 the former regime arrested his brother, who was third in the second year of the College of Medicine and spent ten years in prison on the same charge.
- In 1980, took over the responsibility of the Office for the Middle East, the Islamic Dawa Party which is based in Beirut.
- In 1979, became a member of the executive leadership of the Islamic Dawa Party.
- In 1977, he was responsible for the Islamic Dawa Party organizations in Britain.
MP Haydar Abbadi
- Currently vice president of the House of Representatives where he was elected for the rule of law in the elections of April 2014 is a member of the House of Representatives since 2006 for the city of Baghdad.
- In the same year he was elected Chairman of the Committee of Economy and Investment and Reconstruction, one of the committees main actors and vitality in the House of Representatives is the most important achievements under his presidency: to pursue the development and rehabilitation of public sector companies to the state through legislation and financial allocations, and follow up the implementation of investment budgets and the reasons for the lag in implementation, and strive to provide facilities and to support the industrial and agricultural sector and encourage national industries, and contribute to the legislation, a package of economic laws the task of which the Investment Law and Consumer Protection Law and the Law on the protection of national products and the customs tariff law and competition law and antitrust and other laws essential for the development and protection of the Iraqi economy and improve the standard of living of citizens and decent work for them .
- In 2005 he became an adviser to the Prime Minister, where he took several files, including his appointment as general coordinator for the city of Tal Afar to rid it from the control of al-Qaeda and terrorism excommunicating where deemed of the most successful achievements of the government at that time and set an example for the cooperation of the people and tribes of different affiliations and persuasions to confront and expel the terror of national unity between the sons city. It also took over the task of coordination with the United Nations about the displaced Iraqis caused by terrorist acts. The Foundation took over the follow-up information for the development of its standards and digital computers in Iraq
- Appointed Minister of Communications in 2003, where he oversaw the reconstruction of switches that were destroyed during the war and re-ground telephone service in record time. In his tenure as the ministry expanded Internet service quickly began as the first wireless phone service. Also develop a plan for the Ministry relies rehabilitate Iraqi capabilities in the telecommunications sector, and a strategy to develop a comprehensive and essential infrastructure at the near and medium and long term, and that the adoption of the latest technology available, and draw a clear policy for the telecommunications sector and the development of structuring the work of this sector in Iraq in order to launch its capabilities and provide the service that you need country.
Professional work and career:
- After receiving a bachelor's degree in 1975, the work of a lecturer in the Department of Electrical Engineering at the University of Technology in Baghdad, for being ahead in the study where he was second in the sequence section.
- Work from 1981 to 1987 as president of the research team at the company (LDPE) in London for the rapid transfer of the vertical and using modern technology based on his dissertation. It also assumed responsibility for the implementation of electronic control in the project for the transfer of the vertical in the center of the City of London.
- In 1987 he became an expert in the technology of rapid transit in London.
- Contributed in 1997 in planning for quick transfer of vertical giant virtual city and planned to be built in the future in Japan with an area of one million square meters, which can accommodate one million people and a height of a thousand meters.
- In 1998 received a grant for technology innovation from the Ministry of Trade and Industry, UK.
- Participated in the design of electronic transmission pedestrian bridge to the second millennium in London in 1999 on the basis of his research for a patent.
- In 2001, has been patented in London for his work in the field of rapid transit (Snkerorel) using modern technology, the adoption of his thesis for a doctorate.
- Took over the presidency of the Foundation sophisticated technology in London in 1993, in addition to his work an expert in technology Rapid Transit until 2003 when he returned to Iraq after the fall of the former regime.
- Has a scientific research about the control system setups and designs for new types of electric motors with electronic control and also participated in many seminars and scientific conferences in Britain.
- A professor of materials science and verses of the Koran and the interpretation of provisions in the Islamic College in London in conjunction with the British Brunel University students for undergraduate study years 1999 to 2003.
- Has a research on the position of Islam, democracy and the concept of one nation, and about intolerance and issued a book entitled "Manual of Science in the Koran."
- Research has English on the interpretation of the verses of the Koran and texts and sentences in the verses of the Islamic faith beliefs.
- Participation and lecturing at many conferences and courses and Islamic cultural and overseeing the annual cultural conferences.
Meet Haider al-Abadi, the man named Iraq’s new prime minister
Iraq's president on Monday named Haider al-Abadi as the country's new prime minister, an appointment that came amid speculation that the embattled incumbent, Nouri al-Maliki, would cling to power even after his country had dissolved into chaos and the United States made it clear that it would not support him as leader anymore.
But who is Abadi? Born in Baghdad in 1952, Abadi was educated at the University of Baghdad and later received a doctorate from the University of Manchester in Britain. He lived in Britain for many years after his family was targeted by Saddam Hussein's Baathist regime. He was trained as an electrical engineer, but he entered politics after the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq in 2003. He became minister of communications in the Iraqi Governing Council in September 2003, then was a key adviser to Maliki in Iraq's first post-invasion elected government. Just weeks ago, he was elected deputy speaker of parliament, and he has been considered a contender for prime minister in the past two elections.
The bigger question, however, is whether Abadi will be able to overcome the challenges confronting Iraq more successfully than Maliki. Like Maliki, he's a Shiite Muslim and is a member of the ruling State of Law coalition. One of the chief criticisms of Maliki was that he entrenched Iraq's sectarian politics, filling the government with Shiite politicians and limiting Sunni and Kurdish power.
Earlier this summer, Abadi gave a striking interview to the Huffington Post's Mehdi Hasan in which he discussed the possibility of Iranian intervention in the fight against the Islamic State, the Sunni extremist group that has taken over vast swaths of Iraq.
"We are waiting for the Americans to give us support," he said in the June interview. "If U.S. air strikes [happen], we don't need Iranian air strikes. If they don't, then we may need Iranian strikes." Abadi has also had differences with Iraq's Kurdish community at points: Last year he warned that a dispute over Iraqi Kurdistan's oil exports could lead to the "disintegration" of the country, and he was criticized by Kurdish politicians during the negotiations over the 2013 budget.
However, Abadi does seem to be aware that the Iraqi government and security forces have made serious mistakes in the current conflict. He told Hasan that the government needs to listen to stories of the "excesses" of the security forces to decide how to respond. And he was clear that Iraq needed to avoid being dragged into the type of war the Islamic State clearly desires.
"We have to be careful not to become involved in a sectarian war," he told Hasan. "Shias are not against Sunnis and Sunnis are not against Shias."
Reidar Visser, an academic expert on Iraqi politics, says that although Abadi comes from the same political faction as Maliki, he enjoys much broader support, especially from Kurds and Sunnis.
Part of this is his more distinguished background. "Many of the elites from the governing council-era consider him one of their own in terms of a prestigious family background, whereas Maliki was seen as more of an upstart from humble origins," Visser notes in an e-mail. "Things like that count in the (old-fashioned and traditional) Iraqi establishment."
President Fouad Massoum, a Kurd, seemed confident Monday that Abadi could lead the country. “Now the Iraqi people are in your hands,” he said as he shook Abadi's hand.
MOSCOW, August 12 (RIA Novosti) - Prime Minister-designate Haider Abadi began talks with the parties of the country's parliament on the formation of a new government, the Sky News Arabia TV channel reported Tuesday. Abadi confirmed that he is ready to discuss "not only the formation of a new government, but also a general policy of overcoming constitutional, political and economic issues in Iraq."
The prime minister-designate called on all political forces "that respect the constitution and democratic practices to unite in the face of challenges Iraq needs to resolve."
According to the channel, the talks are to last for a month.
On Monday, Iraqi President Fuad Masum officially asked Abadi to form a new government. However, outgoing Prime Minister Nouri Maliki did not agree with Abadi's nomination and said he would take the case to court.
Maliki accused Masum of violating the constitution by failing to name a prime minister within 15 days. When President Masum was appointed on July 24, he had an initial 15-day period to go through the political process of appointing a new prime minister.
The process was jeopardized by Maliki's decision to seek a third term and reports that his Islamic Dawa Party had refused to cooperate in the formation of a new government.
The nomination of Abadi as prime minister-designate has been supported by the United States, the European Union and Iran.
Abadi's ((eighth day)): Cab of cabinet will be ready next week
Agency eighth dayAugust 11, 2014
BAGHDAD - ((eighth day))
Announced the new Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi assigned by the President of the Republic, that the ministerial cab will be ready within the next week.
Ebadi said in a statement ((eighth day)) that "naming ministers next government will be announced next week, but not accepted for the delay, stressing that the minister will be named on the basis of competence, integrity and history of all people of good candidates.
He added, We are keen on the participation of all political forces in the next government in order to build a democratic process sober.
The President of the Republic had commissioned Haider Abadi officially to form the next government as the National Alliance candidate for the presidency of Wazzra.t (AA-19)
A leading figure in the National Alliance, that "there is a vision within the National Alliance to reduce to 16 ministries and ministry only, noting that" this vision have been welcomed by most of the political blocs. "
And between the leadership, who preferred anonymity, said in a statement , told the news of news (et) that "there is a vision within the National Alliance go in two directions, reducing the ministries for 16 Ministry only there to accept the initial of the various political forces, adding that" there is asking another, which distribution files on major powers, meaning that the cost of services, for example, block the file or the file to be all economic ministries and agencies or economic positions than their share. "
The source added that "all the forces holds seats have a file and is subject to the control of the committees of the House of Representatives in order to determine successes and failures, stressing" that "this idea is accepted by all parties."
Baghdad (AIN) –The PM-designate, Haider al-Ebadi, assured his intention to hold the Ministerial Reduction.
Ebadi said in a press statement "There are several priorities for the next government such as eliminating the corrupted officials and reduce the costs of the ministries in the next budgets by reducing the number if the ministries."
Tariq Harb: the voting session on the government on September 9
Mon Aug 11 2014 18:18 | (Voice of Iraq)
The legal expert Tareq Harb, said the prime minister-designate, Haider Abadi, a period of 30 days to form a government.
The war in an interview with the site of the Central Council of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUKcc.net), on Monday, 08/11/2014, that the constitutional period, which should form Abadi, during which, the government, ending 30 days after the issuance of the decree of the Republic instructed to, noting that the deadline granted to Ebadi expire on 09.09.2014, and during this period, naming his ministers, and the preparation of the ministerial program of his government, pointing out that it depends on the consensus and nominations blocs, expressing his belief that there is almost unanimous support Abadi of the blocks, and expected success Abadi in the formation of the government during the constitutional period granted to him.
He pointed to a war that in the event failed to form a government in al-Abadi, or did not impair his cabinet confidence of the House of Representatives, Ffleris Republic, to instruct anyone else to form a government, without the requirement to be a candidate of the largest parliamentary bloc.
He pointed out that the war meeting of the Council of Representatives to vote on the government, should be next on September 9, indicating that there is no harm in delayed a day or two.
This was the President of the Republic Fuad Masum, issued a decree today, commissioned by the National Alliance candidate Haider Abadi, the formation of the new Federal Government.
She explained Member of Parliament for the Green bloc, MP Ala Talabani, in an interview for (PUKcc.net), on Monday, that the President of the Republic issued a decree Republican candidate commissioned the largest parliamentary bloc, a National Alliance to form a government.
Former MP: internal, Arab and international support for Abadi contributes to form the government in record time
BAGHDAD / NINA / The former MP, Izzat Shahbandar said, "The internal support by the political blocs and the Arab and international support for Haider Abadi will contribute to the formation of the government in record time."
He said in a statement to the National Iraqi News Agency / NINA / that " Haider Abadi will form the government as soon as possible, and in record time compared to the formation of the two governments in 2006 and 2010." noting that "the nature of the government that will be chosen by Abadi, will determine whether this government is capable of contain and absorb the problems and conflicts and challenges in the country. "
BAGHDAD—In a televised address on Thursday evening Nouri Maliki withdrew his bid for the post of prime minister in favor of Haider al-Abadi who was endorsed by the Shiite National Alliance earlier this week.
“I withdraw my candidacy for prime minister in favor of my brother Haider al-Abadi to safeguard the unity and stability of Iraq and the political process,” said Maliki.
According to Rudaw sources, leaders of the Dawa Party had held hours of extensive talks with Maliki to persuade him to step down.
Maliki who served as prime minister for eight years lost the support of Iraqi politicians and the international community, particularly the United States and Iran.
In his speech, the former prime minister defended his time in office and praised his achievements.
Maliki asked Iraqi security and armed forces to stay in their positions “and defend the country against terrorism.”
On Monday, Iraqi president Fuad Masum tasked al-Abadi with forming a new government four months after the country’s general elections.
The presidential move was welcomed by Iraq’s Shiite, Sunni and Kurdish groups. Washington, Tehran and the United Nations also backed al-Abadi's nomination.
Initially Maliki rejected the president’s decision, describing it “violation of the constitution” while there was fear of hostiles from security forces loyal to Maliki.
An official source told Rudaw that Maliki is expected to remain active in the political process and that he has demanded to be granted the post of the vice president.
Iraq's new prime minister has to move fast to bring unity to the country.
Last updated: 15 Aug 2014 14:56
Haider al-Abadi was nominated to form a new government on August 11. [EPA]
On August 14 Iraq witnessed another moment of peaceful transition of power, in a region that is unfamiliar with it. Nouri al-Maliki, who has held the post since 2006, and winner of the elections in April, decided to withdraw from his pursuit of a third term and backed another candidate from his own Dawa party, Haider al-Abadi, who was already nominated by a large alliance of parties and politicians.
It was at times an acrimonious process, with Maliki insisting that he was the only legal nominee for PM and threatening legal action against President Masum for nominating Abadi in a move he called a “constitutional violation”. But in the end the overwhelming support for a change in the premiership, both at home and abroad, convinced Maliki that his time was up.
Maliki retains leadership of his party and the State of Law coalition that has over 90 MPs in Iraq’s parliament, meaning he will remain a significant force in Iraqi politics. But the focus now is on his successor who comes into the role in arguably tougher conditions than Maliki did in 2006, at the height of the sectarian strife that ravaged the country. The continued threat of the Islamic State group, manifest in its capabilities to conduct ethnic cleansing almost at will, is the greatest single threat to the newly democratic Iraq since its creation in 2003.
While Abadi has never held the highest political offices in Iraq before, he will assume the premiership with unprecedented support from regional and international powers. The US, Iran, Turkey, and Saudi Arabia, have all expressed backing for the designation of Abadi as PM and urged the quick formation of a new government. A reset button seems to have been pressed by Iraq’s Kurdish and Sunni Arab parties with regards to Abadi, after they had a troubled relationship with his predecessor. There are encouraging signs that all parties will take part in the new government and present a united front against the war with the Islamic State group.
But there are several fundamental problems that the new PM will have to contend with in addition to the military battles that Iraq currently struggles with. Firstly, he will have to face the fractious nature of Iraq’s imposed unity governments that are based on unwritten sectarian quotas, meaning that disputes and gridlock are never far away.
Secondly, he will have to continue the battle to weed out corruption and incompetence, in all state institutions including the military, that paralyse the government’s ability to run the country properly.
Thirdly, he will have to address the grievances and aspirations of the government’s constituent communities; the Shia Arabs in the oil-rich but under-developed South, the Sunni Arabs in the Western and Northern provinces who have suffered the effects of terrorism and poor representation, and the Kurds in the autonomous Kurdish region that hope for independence after a history of conflict with Baghdad. He will also have to promote the inclusion of the numerous ethnic and religious minorities who face an existential threat and also little political influence.
Daunting is the challenge, and Abadi is an untested leader in an unenviable position. But he brings some notable characteristics to the job that will serve him better than his predecessor. He is a technocrat, speaks good English, and is willing to share decision-making and rely on professional advice.
He does not have the large circle of “friends” and advisors around him that isolated his predecessor, nor does he have much appetite to allow for one. He is not overly influenced by Iran or any other foreign country, nor has he made any enemies among Iraq’s wide spectrum of politicians. In fact he is amiable and understated in a manner similar to that of the other heads of office, Parliament Speaker Salim al-Jibouri and President Fuad Masum.
Being amiable is not enough though in a country being torn apart by extremist violence and sectarian hate. Even if foreign intervention stalls the Islamic State group and provides relief to those facing massacre, the unrefined nature of democracy in Iraq may render the most capable leader ineffective. The sectarian overtones that dominate internal debates, and inform foreign powers when addressing Iraq, in addition to the concentration of power in the hands of elites often distant from citizens, are reasons to be pessimistic. That Iraq in its entirety - every single ethnic and religious group - is under attack by the Islamic State group may unwittingly be the factor that pulls Iraq together, and that forces the PM and the rest to find solutions to Iraq’s many problems.
But time is not on Abadi’s side and whatever optimism there is will quickly evaporate when the stark reality of what Iraq has become begins to bear over him and the people. He needs to form a new government quickly, filling it with the right people for the right posts and not according to which party or sect they are from. The Islamic State group is at the doorstep and have one foot through the doorway already; any more failures by Iraq’s politicians is an invitation for them to come right in.
Is Haider al-Abadi capable of leading Iraq? And even if he is, can he do anything to prevent the cycle of violence that has plagued Iraq for decades? The answers need to come soon or risk becoming irrelevant.
Sajad Jiyad is a London-based independent analyst and researcher on Iraq.
Iraq premier-designate has his work cut out for him
Iraqi Prime Minister-designate Haider Abadi, left, with fellow lawmakers Salim Jabouri and Aram Sheik Mohammed in July. In parliament, Abadi earned a reputation for pragmatism and support of private enterprise. (Ali Abbas / European Pressphoto Agency)
By Shashank Bengali, Brian Bennett
Iraq's prime minister-designate is seen as more moderate, but also a cautious party stalwart
Even if he is able to form a ruling coalition, Iraq's Haider Abadi may still struggle to win Sunni support
August 14, 2014, 4:00 AM|Reporting from Washington
Early in 2007, with Iraq embroiled in sectarian violence, American diplomats in Baghdad tried to persuade a key Shiite Muslim lawmaker to support the easing of a ban on the Sunni Arab-dominated Baath Party..
At a meeting at the U.S. Embassy, the lawmaker, Haider Abadi, was noncommittal, saying that changes to the laws forbidding political activity by Saddam Hussein's old party would be a tough sell with Shiites. But Abadi, a British-educated engineer, also expressed hope that the rival sects would find common ground in opposition to Sunni-led Al Qaeda extremists.
Sunni lawmakers "are looking for allies," Abadi said, according to a State Department dispatch obtained by the anti-secrecy website WikiLeaks. "We are ready."
That encounter was quintessential Abadi, according to former U.S. officials and analysts who have followed the career of the man who was tapped this week to serve as Iraq's next prime minister.
Islamic State in Iraq and Syria
by Raoul Rañoa
Seen as less ideological and more moderate than many leading Shiite politicians — including the man he would replace, divisive two-term Prime Minister Nouri Maliki — he is at the same time a cautious party man who has rarely broken with the Shiite mainstream on crucial issues such as "de-Baathification" and power sharing.
With the United States now seeking to reverse the momentum of Islamic State, an Al Qaeda breakaway group that has swept across northern and western Iraq, Obama administration officials hope that Abadi will make good on previous overtures toward minority Sunni Arabs and Kurds and form a more inclusive, moderate government. As a former businessman and chairman of the parliament's finance committee, he earned a reputation for pragmatism and support of private enterprise.
"Abadi is known in Iraq as someone who can reach across the party aisle and has earned respect as a skilled negotiator," said a U.S. official who spoke on condition of anonymity in discussing internal assessments.
Yet even if Abadi is able to form a ruling coalition, he may still struggle to win the crucial support of Sunnis, whose disaffection with Maliki's sectarian policies has fueled the rise of the Sunni extremists. Abadi secured the prime ministerial nomination Monday with the backing of a Shiite coalition that includes supporters of former Oil Minister Hussein Shahristani, who has angered Sunni Arabs and Kurds by insisting that all Iraqi oil be controlled by the Shiite-led central government, and the radical cleric Muqtada Sadr.
"Neither he nor his coalition are auspicious in terms of expecting a significant change," said Kirk Sowell, a political analyst who edits the Inside Iraqi Politics newsletter and is based in Jordan.
"There were people around Maliki who were flamethrowers; [Abadi is] not a flamethrower. But at the same time, Abadi has never been known as someone who's pushing reforms.
On Wednesday, Maliki said in a weekly televised address that he would not give up power until Iraq's high court rules on his claim to office, but he pledged not to use force to keep his post. With support for Maliki evaporating, Abadi is moving ahead with forming a new Cabinet under a constitutionally mandated 30-day deadline.
Like Maliki, the Baghdad-born Abadi is a longtime member of the Islamic Dawa Party, a Shiite opposition group banned during Hussein's long rule. But the two men took different paths as exiles pushing for the dictator's overthrow.
In the 1980s, while Maliki took part in clandestine efforts from Syria and Iran to destabilize the Baathist-led government, Abadi lived in Britain, where he earned a doctorate in engineering from the University of Manchester. According to a biography on his Facebook page, two of his brothers were executed in Iraq in 1982 for being Dawa member.
Abadi remained with his family in Britain and ran a small company that, among other things, helped to modernize London's transportation system. He returned to Baghdad in 2003 after the U.S.-led invasion that toppled Hussein and became minister of communications in the Coalition Provisional Authority under American civilian administrator L. Paul Bremer III. Abadi was elected to Iraq's re-formed parliament in 2006.
Balding, with a neatly trimmed gray beard, Abadi is better known to Iraqis than Maliki was when U.S. officials plucked the latter from obscurity and backed him for the premiership. American diplomats who have since worked behind the scenes for Maliki's ouster believe Abadi may be more open-minded toward Washington and other Western allies, officials said.
“Abadi is known in Iraq as someone who can reach across the party aisle and has earned respect as a skilled negotiator.”
- U.S. official, referring to Iraqi Prime Minister-designate Haider Abadi
Before the Obama administration launched airstrikes last week against Islamic State militants in northern Iraq, Abadi was a vocal proponent of U.S. military intervention. He told the Huffington Post in June that renewed U.S. involvement would mean the Iraqi government would not have to rely solely on military support from Iran.
"There are some reasons to think he is not beholden to or enamored with Iran as Maliki has been," said David Pollock, a Middle East expert at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy.
In the same interview, Abadi acknowledged that Iraqi security forces had committed "excesses" that should be investigated, without elaborating. Under Maliki, the security forces were accused of abducting and torturing untold numbers of civilians, most of them Sunnis, who were being held without charges.
But Abadi rejected allegations that Maliki persecuted or marginalized Sunnis. He has also drawn the ire of Kurds for saying their demands for a greater share of oil revenue from the semiautonomous northern Kurdish region could cause Iraq's "disintegration."Experts say that as prime minister, Abadi would have to take swift steps to reform Iraq's security establishment and share sufficient power with Sunni Arabs and Kurds to build support for fighting the Islamist militants.
"He's going to face every single challenge that Maliki faced," said Hayder al-Khoei, an Iraq expert at Chatham House, a British-based think tank. "That has nothing to do with personalities. There are systematic failures having to do with governance, nepotism, corruption that are not going to go away overnight."
To the extent that personalities matter, the difference is stark. In contrast to Maliki's hangdog demeanor, Abadi is known for being pleasant, comfortable with reporters and dryly funny at times, even at the expense of American interlocutors.
In September 2007, after then-Ambassador Ryan Crocker and coalition commander Gen. David Petraeus delivered a mostly rosy assessment of Iraq to a congressional panel in Washington, U.S. officials asked Abadi in a meeting whether he had seen the testimony.
According to a summary of the meeting obtained by WikiLeaks, "Abadi said with a wry grin that the tone was so upbeat, 'even Maliki himself could not have written a better report.'"
Announce the formation of the government after 15 days
Mobilized political blocs efforts in the search for effective mechanisms to participate in the cabinet reshuffle, in order to speed up the announcement of its formation under the guidance of the supreme authority and the international community to confront the terrorist gangs unified position and firm, while it continues the National Alliance meetings intensive presence of Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki, the Prime Minister Haider Abadi, in charge of all the components of the National Coalition to overcome the obstacles in front of the president-designate and support him in his efforts to form a government and call for the Ministerial feminine.
In this context, MP Khalid al-Asadi said the rule of law in all its components supports Prime Minister-designate Haider Abadi in the formation of the government and make it successful and that expectation formed within two weeks while articulating start maiden rounds of negotiations and consultations to form a government freely imposed by the nature of alliances to participate in the political process efforts. Asadi said in a statement singled out by the «morning» over the phone: that the state law has a collective decision by agreeing to support Abadi will bear his responsibility in the composition and also the success of its work in the future, stressing the need for the candidates to be part of the government lineup committed to its program, expected formed within weeks the next two.
He added that «rounds of negotiations or consultations to form a government focused on three axes:
I oversee the formation of the government.
The second annexation across the political spectrum.
Third discuss the best policy options to them.
Consequently, these hubs will transfer the general situation of the case of agreements and theoretical dimension to the practical dimension to form a government. With regard to the criteria to be adopted in the selection of ministers said al-Asadi, «certainly the minister should be available where the specifications defined by the Constitution and be Mmtlka of experience and competence in the management of the ministry, which nominated her», pointing out that it is necessary to nominate each side more than 3 names to say the least so that the prime minister-designate to choose the best ».
He expressed Asadi, optimism in the formation of the government freely wider than its predecessor and has the prime minister greater freedom in composition, but he quipped: The nature of pluralist system and the existence of political parties and political forces that many may diminish the ability of the prime minister-designate to form a government more freely and specifications precisely. Promised the general trend in reducing the number of ministries as «an important step», stressing their support of all the blocks because of its positive impact on the performance of the new government and its ability to pursue files ministry and scalable expenditure general budget of the state calling for political blocs to the need to help the prime minister-designate to appear government leaner .
Baghdad -arac Press -18 August / August: one posted on Facebook pages, which bears the name of Prime Minister-designate Haider Abadi (and number 6), publication reveals a cabinet headed by Abadi to be his deputy Ahmed Chalabi.
According to the publication, 9 ministries in addition to the Iraqi Intelligence Service.
Includes selection of Iyad Allawi to the Foreign Affairs portfolio and Baqir al-Zubaidi of Finance and Jabbar Yawar interior and Amer Abdul-Jabbar and Minister of Transport and Ibrahim Bahr al-Ulum oil minister and Mehdi al-Hafez and Minister of Planning and Rahim and Minister of Justice, Ali Douai and minister of reconstruction and Major General Khalid al-Hamdani and defense minister, Mohammed
Shahwani director of intelligence.
The publication asked that an inquiry "is the wrong person in office? .. This cabinet reshuffle, issued by the government shortly before."
Despite the passage of more than 21 hours on the publication has not issued any official comment in the negative or proof for this publication and the subordination of the Facebook page for Haider al-Abadi.
But the thread that holds the name of the six-Abadi coincided in another publication confirms that: -
*Prime Minister-designate decided to reduce the ministries to 15 only, to be agents of ministries and technocrats are not taken nominated by the masses, with the appointment of one deputy for Ebadi.
* Reduce the expenses of the government and parliament in half and part of a platform that would expose him to the reference and the parliament.
* Parliamentary salary to be only 5 million and holds the government to provide protection to him.
* Stop Alaivadat government, but very necessary.
* Reduce the incidental expenses minister 70%
* Reduce the budget of ministries in half and increase the budget Mahafezat.anthy (1)
Stumbling Towards the Latest “Inclusive Iraqi Government” Mirage
Stumbling Towards the Latest “Inclusive Iraqi Government” Mirage
By DAVİD ROMANO
American officials from President Obama down to the lowliest Foreign Service officers appear very fond of repeating a certain mantra: “Iraq needs a new, inclusive government.” Every time Iraq collapses into paralysis and sectarian bloodletting, Washington points to the next “new inclusive government” mirage and demands that Iraqis stumble towards it more quickly. I wrote about this last June after Secretary of State John Kerry’s visit following the fall of Mosul to Jihadist barbarians:
Was it not a “national unity government” that was formed after the 2010 Iraqi elections? Did Iraq not have a Shiite Prime Minister, a Kurdish President and a Sunni Finance Minister? In addition, were not the Foreign Minister and one of the Deputy Prime Ministers Kurdish, while one of the Vice-Presidents and another of the Deputy Prime-Ministers were Sunni Arab?
In other words, Iraq has had many “new and inclusive” governments since 2005. Even during Saddam Hussein’s era, the government in Baghdad had its Christian Foreign Minister and various other Sunni, Kurdish, Shiite and Turkmen ministers. The inclusiveness meant nothing in a context of authoritarianism. What no Iraqi government ever had was a sufficient body of checks and balances on the central government’s authority and devolution of real power to local governments and communities.
Unfortunately, since 2006 Prime Minister Maliki and his fellow Dawa parliamentarians have mounted an unceasing campaign to centralize power in Baghdad and in their own hands, paralyzing important legislation such as a national hydrocarbons law when other communities refused to accept the government maneuverings. Even aspects of the 2005 Iraqi Constitution that appeared fairly clear, such as the right of regions and governorates to manage their own new oil and gas fields, the right to establish and maintain their own regional security forces and the right of governorates to form new regions akin to the Kurdistan Region, were denied and blocked by the Maliki government.
Sunni Arabs could have been allowed to form their own region(s), something they have been attempting to do since 2011. They could have protected their region with their own Awakening Councils, which the Americans recruited and initially funded. They could have financed their region and security forces with their own revenues (as part of their guaranteed share of Iraqi national oil revenues). The Shiite-dominated government in Baghdad chose to deny these rights to the Sunnis, arresting their leaders when they tried to challenge Baghdad or organize referendums on creating new regions, killing peaceful Sunnis protesting the arrests, and failing to transfer funds or pay the Awakening Councils after the Americans withdrew from Iraq. The Kurds were hardly treated any better as certain Shiites in Baghdad continued to try to centralized and monopolize all real power.
So instead of just calling for a “new, inclusive government in Baghdad,” the Americans should loudly and explicitly demand a new government in Baghdad that actually respects the real devolution of power in the country. Devolution of power must include authority over oil and gas (with mechanism to ensure transparency in both Baghdad and local governments and the sharing of resultant revenues), formation of new regions, letting Kurdistan carry out Article 140's provisions on disputed territories, and local security forces (Baghdad’s refusal to pay or supply Kurdish peshmerga and Sunni Awakening Councils allowed the Islamic State to make the gains it did).
Unfortunately, the latest shimmering mirage seems just as likely to vanish if Kurds and Sunnis prove credulous enough to walk towards it without firm and explicit guarantees in these matters. Haider al-Abadi comes from the same Dawa Party inner circle as Nuri al-Maliki. He headed the Council of Ministers Finance Committee that cut Iraqi Kurdistan off from the national budget since January, when the Kurds refused to let Baghdad monopolize oil production and exports (the Kurds all the while insisted they would share the revenues of their exports with the rest of Iraq). Standing beside Mr. Abadi when he accepted the nomination to try and form the next government was Hussein al-Sharistani, the Minister of Energy known as the “arch centralist” in Baghdad. That Mr. Abadi and Mr. Sharistani are Western educated (your humble columnist holds a Ph.D. from the same Canadian university as Mr. Sharistani) seems little reason to expect a sudden revolution in their politics.
Perhaps if or when this latest mirage vanishes, the Americans and the rest of the international community will finally accept that the Iraqi Kurds should go their own way – although this would leave open the question of where Sunni Arabs in the country should go.
David Romano has been a Rudaw columnist since August 2010. He is the Thomas G. Strong Professor of Middle East Politics at Missouri State University and author of The Kurdish Nationalist Movement (2006, Cambridge University Press) and co-editor (with Mehmet Gurses) of Conflict, Democratization and the Kurds in the Middle East (2014, Palgrave Macmillan).
Maliki refuses behalf Abadi Terms Sunnis and Kurds to form the next government
Maliki refuses behalf Abadi Terms Sunnis and Kurds to form the next government
Thu Aug 21 2014 05:31 | (Voice of Iraq)
Baghdad: Hamza Mustafa
Acting Iraqi Prime Minister outgoing Nuri al-Maliki, like he was still head of the government and called in this context, his successor, Prime Minister-designate Haider al-Abadi, yesterday, to reject what he called «preconditions» for the formation of the next government.
Maliki said, in a statement issued by his office during a meeting with Italian Prime Minister Mateo Rinci, that «democracy in Iraq past, although it boys, and whenever we disagree promised to resolve the threads style democratic», stressing that «will stand to the side of the next government and will be supported from any site was also if he was prime minister ».
On the other hand, al-Maliki said in his speech that the weekly «put conditions before the formation of the government Cncv the political process, and the prime minister-designate Haider Abadi proceed with the work and rejected these conditions». Maliki said: «Today conducting negotiations to form the next government, and the general atmosphere emphasizes the need to set up as soon as possible (...) and to be broad-based government with the participation of all the political components». He stressed the need to «adopt the next government, the principle of fairness in naming ministers, and should not be used the way the previous government and the delay in naming ministers through the provision of incompetent people and accept Prime Minister forced these people because of the end of the constitutional period».
Maliki also stressed on the need «to form a government on the basis of the interests of Iraqis and stability, and should not be in the government who does not believe in the unity of Iraq or has external links». He said that «the Abadi rejected by the dictates of the political blocs, and we must leave these dictations and conditions until after the formation of the government, because of the constitutional period will end», calling Abadi to «proceed with the formation of the next government, according to the constitutional contexts».
In the case of receiving Abadi «a wide range of demands and challenges and extortion», the advice Maliki him is «to resort immediately to form a majority government and political will find a lot of MPs in the House of Representatives involved in the government and spend with him in voting for a majority government policy». He continued: «I hope not to get to this level, but if we got to the stage of either consumption of duration and either form a government majority political, I favor the direction of alignment according to the majority, and this is what has forced the taxpayer, it is not his decision, because if we were not able to so Fsndkhal country in crisis political, at which time we pass through the challenges ».
It is noteworthy that al-Maliki reiterated his claim to form a majority government policy on several occasions, claiming that governments harmonic, which was formed over the past years has caused political crises.
For his part, called on the leader of the «coalition of Iraqi forces» (Sunni bloc in the Iraqi parliament) Essam al-Obeidi, told «Middle East», Prime Minister of the outgoing to «stop advising the taxpayer of government formation Haider al-Abadi, because the tips Maliki will have a negative impact due to his experience negative with everybody », referring to« we got used to Maliki to be his speech breakup is not unity and reunification, it has only accusations and hatred for others and wants to bequeath to Ebadi, who all look to take his chance, provided you do not Maliki hear what he says, because obviously he does not want his success and his advice bomb ».
He pointed out that al-Obeidi «Americans are accustomed to the president of the American Federation of speech, and we got used to the disintegration of al-Maliki's speech».
Meanwhile, and as a goodwill gesture, the Kurds returned ministers withdrew from the federal government to their ministries. A member of the Iraqi parliament bloc «Kurdistan Alliance» Farhad Hassan, told the «Middle East», that «the return of ministers of the Kurds to the central government, came as a goodwill gesture, because we see that the next government will need to all parties and components, and then there is no need for the continuation of estrangement because we believe that it is important to change the atmosphere surrounding its formation for the better ». Hassan added that «it is important for us is the compatibility in order to form a government, because past experience has been the experience of the failure of all, since what has been agreed under the Convention on Arbil, consisting of 19 points, al-Maliki has not implemented any point of it». Hassan pointed out that «the next four years will be a crucial year and articulated in the history of Iraq; Either that Iraq remains united and either goes to the division and retail, but these words do not say only the Kurds, but Sunni Arabs. Hence, the poses of the demands is not impossible conditions as see-Maliki, who has failed to achieve national unity ».
The Minister withdrew in protest against the Kurds accuse al-Maliki, the KRG b «shelter» from what he described as «terrorists» after the invasion of the organization «Daash» Mosul and other cities in northern Iraq in June last year.
The New York Times: Abadi less hostile and more civilized than al-Maliki and his char
The New York Times: Abadi less hostile and more civilized than al-Maliki and his character appropriate to recognize the authority of leadership
Fallujah News / Saw an American newspaper universally known, that the Prime Minister-designate Haider al-Abadi, differs from his predecessor, Nuri al-Maliki, although they were from the Islamic Party itself, and while it stated that 'less hostile' and'okther civilized 'and lived for decades in Britain, speaks English, and may have 'touches new' policy on Iraq, promised that personal 'appropriate authority to take over the leadership', and that many upheld as 'not sectarian' as was his predecessor.
The New York Times, New York Times American that 'the last time I paid the United States Iraqis to choose the head of a new government has the ability to unite the country to confront the sectarian war in the country, was in 2006, when he chose the Iraqis Nuri al-Maliki, and the result was another civil war', noting that 'Iraqis chose the day, a single-Abadi, and their country on the outskirts of collapse again.'
The newspaper added, that 'the two men, al-Maliki and al-Abadi, ahead of the Shia Islamist movement itself, which asked its members ruled Iraq comprehensively satisfy the Sunnis, who regard them as their oppressors ex-', indicating that, although 'the situation is not yet clear, the hopes now lie believing be Abadi model last of the Islamists, in terms of the background study and Trarah in a big city with spend decades of living in Britain, the recipes may impinge on what seemed thought skeptic prevailing among Islamist Shiites over Sunnis aspiring they Ihokon conspiracies around every corner '.
It quoted the New York Times, for Diplomats Americans and Iraqis, saying that, despite the 'possession of Abadi and al-Maliki to the legacy of a common political, but between them are important differences, including that Abadi influenced by the West more than it is al-Maliki', pointing out that the 'others are afraid of the danger that history will repeat itself with New Shi'ite leader, does not want or is not versed, from collecting and linking together the country together '.
Parliament: major differences over Federal Court Act is the number of Vice-President
2014-08-21 (00: 01 pm)
Parliament: major differences over Federal Court Act is the number of Vice-Presidents and Vito (Veto) clergy
Interim legal Committee revealed in the House of representatives, the main differences on Federal Court Act, and is the most controversial enterprise throughout the years within the framework of the conflict between the power team and the rest of the coalition parties, said the most important Congress debates revolve around the role of experts in Islamic jurisprudence and its "pointing out that the number of members of the Federal Court will be their contraction of 13 members to 11 or 9 members, half of the component and the other half will be between Kurds and Sunnis. While stating that the Committee needed more time to discuss more than a paragraph in the law, only 3 of them undecided even now, the Kurdistan Alliance requested that there be two Deputy Chairman of the Court, a controversial and raises fears of biases in interpreting legal texts or judgment for one party at the expense of another, while some parties National Alliance, suggesting Shariah scholars granted right of "veto" in court, they may raise broad objections.
The Constitution provides in article (92) first on the Federal Supreme Court is an independent judicial body, financially and administratively.
Second: Federal Supreme Court, consists of a number of judges and experts in Islamic jurisprudence, and Jurists, determines the number and manner of selection, and the work of the Court, the law enacted by a two-thirds majority of the members of the House of representatives. Member of the legal Committee in the Parliament of the Federal Court Act, Mohammed derbas, in a statement to "range" that, according to constitutional and legal contexts and rules of procedure of Parliament, read the Federal Court Bill second reading ". Mohammed said that "the second reading of the Federal Court Act were read express and not the interim legal Committee report ready at the meeting on Tuesday," pointing out that the supposed currently before the vote on the law, discussion of paragraphs ". And the Kurdish deputy from block change "the legal Committee will report on proposals or amendments which should be taken into account and included in the text of the draft law of the Federal Tribunal of the original". The temporary Committee meeting ended Wednesday evening and had not completed its review of all the articles and paragraphs of the law (24) legal "article, pointing out that what has been done in this meeting is to review the three articles just because the article needs time to discuss it." And on the most controversial material to pass Federal Court Act into the House of Mohammed derbas Attorney explained that "there is little disagreement is not substantial and is about the status of Islamic jurisprudence experts and jurists in the Federal Court."
"The principal difference lies in the question: are these experts and scholars, consultants, Federal Court or members of indigenous Court".
He pointed out that "the controversial things on the Court is the issue of appointment of judges through Parliament by an absolute majority or two-thirds, or elected by the three presidencies (Presidency of the Council of Ministers, the Parliament)".
"The contentious issues also, is the President of the Court Deputy or deputies, the draft law provides for the existence of one Deputy, but representatives of the Kurdistan Alliance called for the proposal that the Court should have two." The "other controversial points decision in the Federal Court and whether it would be by an absolute majority or simple or two-thirds majority," he said, adding that with the application of the principle of thirds can any disruption of the Court's decisions ".
"There are further proposals on reducing the number of members of the Federal Court (11) or (9) members following the principle of Government/Iraq 's, noting that the number of members of the Court in accordance with the draft law is (13) members."
"The number two of the Islamic jurisprudence experts and Jurists (two) to be among the members of the Federal Court (13) members," believing it will distribute the Islamic jurisprudence experts (Monday) between the Shiites and Sunnis. " "But an expert, however, Islamic jurisprudence, a Sunni Arab would be Sunni or Kurd", likely to be in dispute between the Kurdish and Sunni component "and noted that the distribution of members of judicial bodies is that half the members of the Shiite Muslim component, and the other half to the Kurdish and Sunni" components.
"The political blocs had not agreed on the exact details about the distribution of the members of the Tribunal on the components of the Iraqi people."
The "post experts in Islamic jurisprudence of the Federal Court is reviewing laws passed by Parliament provided that no opposition to the rulings of Islam as Jurists, their academic specialty consultant." said NII MP Salah Al-Juburi, that there is an opinion in advance by some National Alliance parties, calls for granting the Islamic jurisprudence experts and clerics, veto.
Al-jubouri said in a statement to "the extent" that the subject is not whether granting the veto to all members of the one "stating that the temporary Committee will submit its final report to Parliament soon, including proposals for political blocs.
The political behavior of Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani is characterized by composure, planning and continuity of work. In the past few years, he has carried out a large share of his projects through such behavior. For some time it was thought that Sistani had lost the political game to former Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki, after the latter completely took control over internal affairs and created close ties with external actors who are influential in Iraq, in such a way that was expected to grant him another four years in power.
Maliki warned Sistani to give up on his political demands, as the latter spoke of the necessity of Maliki stepping down to create political consensus among the different components of the new government. Maliki also galvanized religious guides who are opposed to Sistani and persuaded them to directly support him. This, however, did not foil the meticulous planning of Sistani, which he has been developing for a long time to protect the democratic process in Iraq.
The role that Sistani plays is delicate and difficult and stirs, at times, controversy; there is debate as to whether religious figures have the right to take political positions in a country where the people elect representatives to take political decisions. Maliki referred to this electoral process in strongly opposing Sistani's demands. However, it is impossible to properly debate this issue without taking into account the social situation in Iraq, the course of democratic rotation of power in the country and the political work style of Sistani.
Iraq is still a collective society, in which political decisions are made by societal authority: tribal leaders, clerics and the like who have influence over political decision-making. This poses a challenge to the democratic process in the country as elections constitute a tool that influential social figures use to preserve and expand their power. It is also used to remove democracy’s true character, which stipulates that people make free decisions.
This social characteristic of Iraqi society has constituted a real challenge for Sistani, who strove to aid the democratic course without being embroiled in the political work. Such an embroilment would contradict Sistani’s principles and beliefs that Iraq should adopt a civil, nonreligious system of governance. Post-2003, Sistani tried to face this challenge by taking on the role of mediator between the people and the government on the one hand, and between the political parties participating in the government. His door was always open for all ethnic and religious components, and he closely followed up their legitimate demands. At the same time, he did not take sides as he endeavored to find a common ground between all the parties and ensure that they all participate in the governance in order to protect the country’s stability.
When it comes to the recent crisis, it would have been easy for Sistani to call for Maliki to step down through the Shiite parties in parliament that are affiliated with him, or by calling on civil disobedience which would have led to the toppling of Maliki within a few hours. Sistani, however, called on Maliki to step down and did not ask the Shiite opposition to take a strong stance that would render the situation tenser than it already was. Moreover, Sistani did not intervene in the political agreements between the parties and coalitions. He did so to avoid contradicting his principles.
Sistani, through his statements and the speeches of his deputies, insisted on national consensus. He called on Shiite parties to name a consensus candidate so that the Kurds and Sunnis would feel that the prime minister is for all. He also warned against clinging to the seat of power, especially on the part of those who are not accepted by everyone. All political parties figured that Sistani was alluding to Maliki, who wanted to impose himself on the parties who oppose him — which included Shiites, Kurds and Sunnis. On July 9, Sistani sent a letter, whose content was disclosed to Al-Monitor, to the Dawa Party, which plays a central role in the ruling State of Law Coalition, demanding the acceleration of the process of naming a consensus figure and the non-insistence on a figure that other parties oppose. The Dawa Party did not reveal this letter at the time for fear that it might negatively impact Maliki’s third term.
The efforts of Sistani prevented Maliki from monopolizing power and compelling his rivals to succumb to his will. Choosing an alternative, however, was a thorny issue due to the intransigence of Iran in supporting Maliki. An Iranian source, who spoke on condition of anonymity, told Al-Monitor that Sistani informed Iranian authorities through his office in Qom that he refused Iranian interference in choosing the Iraqi prime minister. He asked Iran not to impose pressures on Shiite parties to talk them out of naming someone other than Maliki.
The Iranian leadership was then persuaded to give up on Maliki even though Qassem Soleimani, the Iranian official who is in charge of the Iraqi issue, was still insisting on renewing Maliki’s term. This is why Ali Shamkhani, the secretary of Iran’s Supreme National Security Council, was assigned to communicate with the Iraqi parties to facilitate the naming of an alternative candidate instead of Soleimani, who previously took on similar tasks.
After an agreement was reached over the new candidate, and internal and external obstacles were lifted, Maliki was still insisting on his right to a third term. According to Al-Monitor’s sources, Sistani was ready to adopt a stronger stance in the face of Maliki’s resistance during his Aug. 15 Friday sermon. The leading members of the Dawa Party knew, through mediators, that Sistani's stance would be decisive in case Maliki clung to power, especially after a national consensus was reached on Haider al-Abadi. This led Maliki to announce he was stepping down Aug. 14, a day before the Friday sermon.
Sistani is playing the role of protector of the democratic course in Iraq. He does this by relying on the societal influence he draws from the religious power he has over a large spectrum of Iraqi society. However, this remarkable characteristic of Sistani is not guaranteed to be found in his successors.
In 2006, US Vice President Joe Biden, then a Delaware senator, came out with a plan to keep Iraq together. The plan called for three autonomous regions for Sunnis, Shiites and Kurds.
Summary⎙ Print Joe Biden’s 2006 plan for Iraq, calling for three autonomous regions for Sunnis, Shiites and Kurds, was derided at the time, but now his stance appears to be vindicated.
Author Gonul TolPosted August 20, 2014
Original Article ORİJİNAL YAZIYI TÜRKÇE OKUYABİLİRSİNİZ
In The Washington Post in August 2006, Biden wrote that the violence between Sunnis and Shiites in Iraq had created more bloodshed than that caused by foreign terrorist organizations. Therefore, he said, the only way to keep Iraq united, secure peace and bring US soldiers home was the creation of three autonomous regions. Biden said Iraq’s problems were much more complex than what the American soldiers could solve. Unemployment, sectarian clashes, paralysis of institutions were also kindling the tensions that the Americans could not cope with. Biden concluded by accusing the Bush administration of not having a comprehensive Iraqi strategy.
Many, including the Bush administration, criticized the Biden plan as aiming to divide Iraq. Some of that criticism was based on the false belief that the US military presence in Iraq could solve all its problems.
Today, the point Iraq has reached and the debate in Washington on Iraq have vindicated Biden. Just as Biden said, the basic issue of Iraq is not terror organizations but the sectarian conflict and consequent social, political and economic questions that make the country a fertile ground for terror organizations. These are not questions that can be solved by American soldiers and solely by the United States, as Biden said.
Eight years ago people did not understand Biden, but today in Washington, similar narratives are common place with criticism of Obama's policy of trying to preserve the territorial integrity of Iraq. In many forums, including Congress, it's said that Iraq is already de facto divided, that at the core of the issue is the sectarian conflict incited by a Shiite prime minister trying to amass power and that Kurdish aspiration for independence should be backed. Obama’s decision to bypass Baghdad and arm the Iraqi Kurds did not attract any noise in a Washington that mercilessly criticizes all foreign policy moves of Obama.
This silence reflects finally understanding the difficulty of preserving territorial integrity of Iraq and that US military intervention had halted ISIS advances. But, as Biden said, it is not only an issue of terror and the US still doesn’t have a comprehensive Iraq strategy.
The real issue is to change social, political and economic factors that prepared the ground for the progress made by ISIS [Islamic State]. That above all requires the formation of a government that will represent the Kurds, Sunnis and Shiites in Baghdad. The removal of Nouri al-Maliki as the prime minister is an important but not adequate step toward setting up such a government. These two processes of blocking ISIS advances and the formation of a representative government of Kurds, Shiites and Sunnis should move forward simultaneously.
It's clear that meaningful steps to form a government is not easy when there is a security threat. The United States cannot by itself compel all groups to take joint action against the advances of radical organizations while speeding up the process of setting up a government. Iran's role, by mobilizing the Shiite militia around Baghdad, had a major role in halting the ISIS advances toward Baghdad. That shows that to have the Shiites fight against ISIS and constructively engage in a government formation process at the same time, the United States has to work with Iran. Likewise, to engage the Sunnis, the United States needs Sunni allies
Washington can persuade the Kurds. Keeping in mind the US intervention that defended Erbil against ISIS and arming of the Kurds by the CIA, Kurds emerge as the group that is most likely to heed Washington. Kurds will surely have a major say in which way Iraq goes.
In short, questions of Iraq are not the kind you can finish by bombing ISIS and arming the Kurds. It needs much wider and comprehensive engagement. The true issue is what Biden said in 2006: Washington does not have a comprehensive Iraq strategy. This time around, however, there is a factor different than 2006. The US government does not have the political will for such an engagement.
Nouri al-Maliki (C), acting Defense Minister Saadoun al-Dulaimi (2nd R) and Lt. Gen. Abboud Qanbar (L) attend the funeral ceremony of Gen. Majid Abdul Salam in Baghdad, Aug. 13, 2014. (photo by REUTERS)
The collapse of Maliki’s party
Summary ~Outgoing Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki has failed to keep his party and coalition together, through his nondemocratic approaches, while the new Prime Minister-designate Haider al-Abadi vowed to preserve the national consensus.
Outgoing Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki never thought that his strong and cohesive parliamentary bloc, the State of Law Coalition, would weaken so easily and that his internal and external allies would leave him and follow another political path. The efforts that Maliki has been deploying for many years to remain in power for a third term faded within hours. He was shocked when his fellow partisan Haider al-Abadi was designated to form a government, without his prior knowledge, which ultimately forced him to accept the loss and renounce his position on Aug. 14.
Although Maliki came to power following a democratic process, he followed a nondemocratic approach in building his internal and external relationships and coalitions. He exerted a significant effort to undermine the major competing coalitions, most notably the Iraqiya List coalition led by Ayad Allawi, which won more votes in the 2010 parliamentary elections than the State of Law Coalition. Maliki also extended his authority over the judiciary and the legislature using arbitrary methods, by limiting the powers and positions of influence to figures loyal to him within these two branches.
At the international level, he used the same method adopted by dictatorial regimes in the region, which is to scare Western countries of the rise of terrorism in the event they renounced their support for him. He has collaborated with Iran on all common files and issues between the two countries to obtain Iran’s full support. He was betting on the terrorist threat of the Islamic State (IS) to gain US and Iranian support to remain in power for a third term.
In his relationship with the Shiite authority, Maliki used intimidation and the approach of creating alternative religious authorities to overcome the religious power of the Shiite authority, which may have opposed him in the event he insisted on clinging to power.
At the social level, he built extensive relationships with tribal sheikhs and businessmen through different methods, such as the use of political money, to ensure their continued support. He also put together judicial files against politicians as a means of putting pressure on them.
This shows that the alliances established by Maliki were fragile in nature and not based on real understandings and cooperation agreements between the parties participating in the political process. This justifies their collapse in a very short period of time.
This even applies to the members of his Dawa Party, who have been dissatisfied with his performance during the last year. A source from within the party told Al-Monitor, “A number of Islamic Dawa leaders criticized how Maliki dealt with the political situation and how he insisted on his positions. This would have harmed the party’s stance and prevented it from remaining in power.”
The source said, “Haider al-Abadi, designated to form the new government, was the most prominent opponent of the outgoing Iraqi prime minister. This made him gain the sympathy of the Shiite opposition, which insisted on its position against renewing Maliki’s term. Moreover, Abadi was not involved in any prominent executive action that might have stirred criticism by various Iraqi political entities. He is not accused of corruption or involvement in any repressive action against the Iraqi opposition with its various entities.”
Abadi, a prominent member of the Dawa Party and the State of Law Coalition, was a smart choice, as it drew all of the various opposition votes in his favor. On the other hand, his appointment led to the fragmentation of the State of Law Coalition and the Dawa Party itself, since those who opposed Maliki and did not want their coalition and party to fall outside the scope of power quickly turned to Abadi, and left Maliki. This was revealed in Maliki's first appearance after Abadi’s designation, as only 28 out of the total 95 members of the State of Law Coalition attended, with no senior leaders of the Dawa Party present.
On the Iranian side, Maliki was counting on the support of Qassem Suleimani, commander of the Quds Force, hoping that Suleimani would change the course of things in such a way that mitigates the recent obstacles faced by him. However, it seems that the Iranian side changed its mind at the last minute for two reasons: the tough stances of Ali Sistani and the Shiite opposition, and the shift in the path of IS toward Iran. IS clearly got the US message: the Kurdistan Region is a US red line that IS cannot cross. Therefore, immediately after the US Air Force strikes, IS headed toward the Iranian border and took over the town of Jalawla, 115 kilometers (roughly 71 miles) northeast of Baghdad, moving toward Khanaqin, which is only 20 kilometers (roughly 12 miles) from the Iranian border.
Finally, based on the experience that Maliki had, Abadi must build comprehensive national understandings bringing together Iraqi sectors with respect to Iraq's general direction. He must also open up to international and regional parties in a balanced manner that preserves Iraqi national interests, instead of putting together fragile coalitions based on unlawful methods and which are likely to crumble at any given moment, as was the case with Maliki. This is what the Shiite alliance expects from Abadi. The latter had made guarantees to this alliance that as a new prime minister, he would preserve the national consensus and refrain from autocracy.
A man reads a newspaper on a street in Baghdad, Sept. 4, 2008. (photo by REUTERS/Mohammed Ameen)
Iraqi media divided in coverage of IS conflict
Summary ~ Iraqi media has failed to provide unbiased coverage of the war with the Islamic State, and has even at times spread false information.
ERBIL, Iraq — About two dozen journalists and editors from various Iraqi media outlets gathered around a neatly arranged table and argued passionately about the “unfortunate” coverage of the conflict stirred by the Islamic State’s (IS) takeover of large parts of the country.
The consensus in the conference room at Erbil International Hotel was that the Iraqi media had failed in its task to provide unbiased and professional coverage of the brutal conflict that has rocked the country in the last couple of months.
“The Iraqi media has not been successful in providing a healthy coverage [of the conflict],” said Dana Asaad, director of the Media Academy-Iraq, a nonprofit organization funded by the German Foreign Ministry that trains Iraqi media outlets. “The media failed to provide objective coverage and not only that but they even spread false news,” Asaad said.
In both Baghdad and Iraqi Kurdistan, official outlets close to the government or ruling political parties have been noted for reporting at times that "progress" was made at a certain front while these claims were proven incorrect later on.
The apparent purpose behind such false reporting has been to boost the morale of the armed forces and the civilian population in the vicious fight against a jihadist group known for resorting to extremely brutal methods to scare its enemies.
For instance, despite multiple claims by the Iraqi military that its forces had taken or were about to take Saddam Hussein’s hometown Tikrit from militants, the town on the edge of the Tigris River still remains in jihadists’ hands.
When IS militants stormed Mosul on June 10, it did not take long for divisions to surface in Iraqi media.
Some pro-Sunni Arab media outlets, such as Al-Taghyir that broadcasts out of the Jordanian capital, Amman, have described militants’ actions as a “revolution” and branded the jihadists, with a documented history of brutal violence in neighboring Syria and parts of Iraq, as “tribal revolutionaries.”
In contrast, pro-government and Shiite-funded news organizations such as Al-Iraqiya state channel have labeled the Sunni militants as “terrorists” or “terrorist gangs.”
“The coverage is very bad,” said Ali Abdulamir, a journalist with the liberal-leaning Al-Mada institution that publishes a newspaper and runs a news agency. “It shows and worsens the fragmentation of Iraqi society.”
Abdulamir, the director of news for the Al-Mada TV channel that is scheduled to debut in November, pointed out that Iraqi media had failed to present an unbiased view of the conflict.
The coverage of the conflict between IS on the one hand, and the Iraqi army and Kurdish Peshmerga troops on the other, has explicitly laid bare ethnosectarian and political rifts within the Iraqi media landscape for everyone to see. The divisions are deeper than ever and ethnosectarian interests and discourses are more pronounced than before, even just a few months ago.
“The way the media has been used by different parties and groups is a reflection of the reality on the ground,” said Rahman Gharib, the coordinator of Metro Center, an organization that defends freedom of press in Iraqi Kurdistan. “It showed us the problems with professionalism in media outlets in this country.”
For Shiite and Kurdish journalists, the major reason for such coverage appears to be the perceived “existential threat” that IS' assault poses to their communities. Such a perception has been nurtured by video clips and images produced by IS fighters depicting gruesome scenes of mass killings and beheadings of military personnel and civilians with the explicit aim of sowing terror among the population.
“It’s fine if the media outlets in [Iraqi] Kurdistan, including private ones, support the peshmerga because this is a fight against a terrorist group and a force of darkness,” said Asaad, who also serves as the chief editor for the privately funded Awene News website.
Many Kurdish and Iraqi outlets regularly air patriotic songs for public and military morale.
In Iraqi Kurdistan, a statement from the office of the president of the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG), Massoud Barzani, called on journalists to refer to members of peshmerga forces killed on the battleground as “martyrs.” Some outlets later followed suit, while others did not.
Military authorities also seem to lack a clear vision as to how to deal with journalists and media outlets covering the bloody conflict. Peshmerga forces in Iraqi Kurdistan in general have allowed more access to media outlets wanting to cover the conditions on the front lines, but this has often been a chaotic process. Local outlets directly linked to powerful government and party figures and international media have been given favorable treatment.
At times, the way some journalists and media outlets have covered the conflict might have led to disclosing otherwise valuable military information.
“The coverage has been sometimes in a way that military secrets have been disclosed,” said Gharib of the Metro Center. “You can sometimes hear [a reporter or interviewee saying] an operation will be launched at this and that time, so sensitive intelligence is being leaked.”
During a newscast last week on Rudaw, a leading Kurdish TV network, the anchor had to hastily intervene and interrupt a reporter on the ground who seemed to be just about to reveal the timing for an upcoming operation. Thanks to its superior technological assets and multiple reporters on the ground, the channel is largely seen as offering the broadest coverage among Kurdish channels of the conflict in Kurdish-controlled areas. But its editorial policies have come under attack for being at times close to the KRG’s line.
The Iraqi military is often criticized for being quite restrictive in terms of granting access to journalists to visit the front lines.
“It’s very difficult to send reporters to front lines,” said Mustafa Nasser, an Iraqi journalist in Baghdad reporting for the Lebanese Al-Akhbar newspaper. “The Defense Ministry is not ready at all to cooperate with journalists.”
Nasser said that in areas under the Iraqi central government’s control, apart from the state-funded Al-Iraqiya channel and journalists “loyal” to powerful Shiite groups, Iraqi journalists are not granted access to the areas of conflict. That has in turn paved the way for some outlets to engage in “professional-looking but false reporting” to promote their agendas.
The conflict still shows no sign of subsiding and some Iraqi journalists believe the media should change course.
“The coverage of the conflict in Iraqi media has been very superficial,” Nasser said. “They need to send reporters on the ground so as to give a realistic picture of the situation to people.”
Parliament held its eighth meeting, headed by al-Jubouri, and the presence of 208 deputies
Thu Aug 21 2014 12:17 | (Voice of Iraq)
Alsumaria News / Baghdad
The Council of Representatives, on Thursday, its eighth within the first legislative term chaired by Salim al-Jubouri, and the presence of 208 deputies, with parliamentary source said that the meeting will host the Ministers of Higher Education and Human Rights to discuss the actions taken on the displaced.
The source said in an interview for "Alsumaria News", "The House of Representatives held today, its eighth within the first legislative term chaired by Salim al-Jubouri, and the presence of 208 deputies," explaining that "the agenda of the meeting includes the constitutional oath for those who did not have performed from the House of Representatives" .
The source, who asked not to be named, said: "agenda also includes a vote on a resolution to prevent all acts real estate in areas under the control of terrorists," noting that it "will be hosting the Ministers of Higher Education and Human Rights to discuss the actions taken on the displaced."
The decision of the House of Representatives Niazi architecture Ihsanoglu declared, on Wednesday (20 August 2014), that today's meeting will vote on the formation of permanent committees after the submission of the political blocs for their candidates, while the law favored the inclusion of the Federal Court and the issue of the base, "Spyker" on the agenda.
And raised the Presidency of the Council of Representatives, Tuesday (19 August 2014), to the Council meeting on Thursday, after the postponement of the vote on the law of the Federal Court and read a statement on the situation of Amerli and World Youth Day.
The Council of Representatives of Iraq, on Tuesday (19 August 2014), its usual within the first legislative term chaired by Salim al-Jubouri, and the presence of 217 deputies.