High Nassif calls for the legislature not to pass the proposed demarcation of provincial boundaries considered by some Kurds substitute for Article 140
09-05-2013 | (Voice of Iraq)
MP for the coalition called the Iraqi Free high Nassif legislative power not to get involved in passing the demarcation of provincial boundaries proposal considered by some Kurdish politicians substitute for Article 140 expired.
She told him the Information Office of the coalition: "The legislative power that does not exceed lines of national centers of legal for the provinces through its dealings with the proposal put forward by the Presidency for the demarcation of provincial boundaries, the idea itself could lead to inflaming the political situation and the emergence of differences of new conflicts between provinces, at a time when we are desperately in which we are to heal the rift and unite Iraqis against external challenges that lie in wait for Iraqi unity grade. "
She added: "It is unfortunate that some Kurdish parties to consider the project demarcation of provincial boundaries submitted by the presidency as an alternative to Article 140, which is now finished effect, ie, that the idea of the demarcation of the border, in fact, not only circumvent the Constitution."
Iraqi judiciary curtain falls on the Russian arms deal
09-05-2013 | (Voice of Iraq)
Baghdad: Hamza Mustafa
Considered the State of Law coalition led by Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki said that the decision taken by Iraqi judiciary Bassadol the curtain on the Russian arms deal that raised around controversial political and parliamentary widespread and justified from a legal standpoint. Said Mahmoud Hassan member of the Legal Committee of Parliament for the rule of law in a press statement following the announcement Court Judge Rusafa, yesterday, to close the file for that deal, amounting to more than $ 4 billion due to lack of evidence saying that «the issue of arms deal Russia does not constitute a crime, and on this basis Iraqi judiciary decided to close the investigation in this file.
Hassan added that «the Criminal Procedure Law No. 23 of 1971, as amended gave the right to the investigating judge to close a case if the act in front of him does not constitute a crime, and on this basis a decision judiciary to close the investigation in this file. He pointed out that «it was better not to send the issue of Russian deal to eliminate because they do not represent a crime in itself and the decision to shut was constitutionally». For his part, Chairman of the Integrity Committee in the Iraqi parliament and head of the Liberal bloc of the Sadrist movement Bahaa al-Araji, that «the judge's decision to stop the deal was not fair but it is not a final decision. Araji said in a statement to Asharq Al-Awsat that «the Parliamentary Integrity Committee expressed surprise at the issuance of such a decision, and they follow it has the judiciary Highlight this decision by the prosecution and therefore it is not prohibited. He added that «the Integrity Committee meetings will continue to pursue this matter in the next two days and will meet next Sunday, President of the Supreme Judicial Council to discuss with him the repercussions of that and other matters relating to the work of the judiciary.
He said al-Araji, a man of the law also said that «what could have been for the judge to take this decision as simple as that, even if there were not a crime effectively because there is at least the start of corruption, which requires the account because it is such act in the law», adding that «there is proof, evidence and witnesses from During the investigative which was formed which heard over the meetings of the certificates of all of Ali al-Dabbagh (former spokesman Iraqi government) and Izzat Shabandar (MP for the rule of law) and the Director of the Legal Department of the Ministry of Defence as well as the director of processing and contracts in the ministry, as well as the National Bank of Commerce of During the existence of a letter of guarantee and the Office of the Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces. The Araji that «with all this evidence and evidence and witnesses issued such a decision, which was a surprise to us, but we will not be silent on this matter because we know in fact the size of the pressure that is exposed to the judges, which will discuss it with the head of the Supreme Judicial Council».
She had been raised about the that suspicions great deal of corruption by receiving mediators between the Iraqi and Russian sides and commission income amounted to 200 million U.S. dollars. In Russia, the Russian president sacked while Defense Minister sacked Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki's government spokesman Ali al-Dabbagh. The MP for the rule of law Izzat Shabandar has revealed the «Middle East» many details about the arms deal Russian confirming the existence of suspicions of corruption and Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki decided in Moscow stop working to hold the 4 billion and two hundred million dollars and agreed to an arms deal worth $ 700 million, calling in the same time at a discount rate of 10% is the value of the commissions that have been agreed upon. With Maliki confirmed that there is a suspicion of corruption of the deal, but does not have the physical evidence and Defense Minister Saadoun al-Dulaimi completely denied the existence of any suspicion of corruption, declaring that if there was corruption in the deal it alone bears the responsibility for it.
Hakim and al-Sadr calling for an end to political differences and the Kurdistan Alliance clings line
09-05-2013 | (Voice of Iraq)
Baghdad: Al-Sharq Al-Awsat
Both won over by the State of Law coalition led by Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki. Ammar al-Hakim, leader of the Islamic Supreme Council and Muqtada al-Sadr, leader of the Sadrist movement. Hakim largest retreating Shiites of government, including the sovereign retaining their positions (the resignation of Vice President Adel Abdul-Mahdi of the office) and the biggest winners of the provincial elections, where finished second after the rule of law in the provinces, while Shiite Sadrist solution III. But, according to the balance of the coalition, where he joined the state law, each of the Badr Organization and the Virtue Party, which make it in the first place is located at the level of alliances and not at the level of what got him each entity of the seats. The al-Sadr, who holds 40 seats in the Iraqi parliament has singled out for the past two years by attacking the policies of al-Maliki, accusing him of 'dictatorship' and 'uniqueness' in decision-making.
Sadr, who declined relatively in this election is still a strong player in the management helm of conflicts both within the Shiite house through the fragile balance within the «National Alliance» component of the rule of law on the one hand and the National Coalition Alliance, which includes the Supreme Council and the Sadrists and the Badr and virtue, and the National Congress and the Reform Movement, On the other hand. Or within the Iraqi political system in general. In this context it is in the first meeting of the two after the onset of the election results and the battle heats up the formation of local governments have both called al-Hakim and al-Sadr to the importance of everyone's participation in decision-making.
With plenty during a joint press conference to them in the holy city of Najaf yesterday, after al-Hakim's visit to the chest at his home in the return of the Kurdistan Alliance to parliament and the government requesting the return of the Iraqi parliament and the government as well. Sadr called for urgency «elections provinces of Nineveh and Anbar, in order to be unified elections in all of Iraq. And on the formation of a unified provincial council coalition between the Liberals and the citizen of the province of Najaf said Sadr because we do not want to marginalize any one, the fact that everyone involved in the service of the people and the exclusion is not possible at this stage. For his part, the leader of the Islamic Supreme Council Ammar al-Hakim during the conference «Iraqi List to initiate the return of the ministers of the government and deputies to the House of Representatives», stressing the need to «join forces to provide the best service to our people and to expedite the enactment of important laws required as well as the services of the ministers in the Iraqi government». Hakim explained that we are «much sympathy with our brothers in the security services to security and this togetherness and cooperation will bring better opportunities to provide service and to convince Iraqi citizens and political courses of action service, which is in the country». And on provincial elections stressed Hakim that «these boards should be of base executive and wide and help force participation and winning lists the one hand and team up agreeably able to provide service to citizens in these provinces», indicating that «not important that captures all of us to more sites but it is important to achieve success in the service of the homeland and the citizen. For his part, Member of Parliament for the Islamic Supreme Council Furat al-Shara told «Middle East» that «the Supreme Council does not look to win good in the election that is the goal, but is the means required to achieve the main objective of providing better services to citizens and therefore we look at the programs more owners of our view of to the owners volumes ». And on whether the meeting, which brought together both al-Sadr and al-Hakim in Najaf, aims to isolate al-Maliki as it may uniqueness during the last period industry decision-Shara said «there is no insulation for one because we do not accept the isolation and marginalization, but we strive to achieve justice in the responsibilities and positions and decisions leading to provide the best types of services 'stressing that' has become an urgent need to return after the return of Iraqi Kurds brothers ». But the Kurds who returned after negotiations with al-Maliki renewed their commitment to the policy of national consensus, which is now rejected by Maliki's coalition. In this context, pro-Tayeb stressed the spokesman of the Kurdistan Alliance bloc told «Middle East» that «it is necessary to revive the principle of consensus that action is needed because we need him at this stage, no matter how hard some work otherwise. The good that «the draft law of accountability and justice as well as the criminalization of the Baath Party are the two forms of such need as the Iraqi want to walk accountability and justice, while the rule of law you want to criminalize the Baath Party while we are in the Kurdistan Alliance bloc call other laws such as the Law of the administrative border of the provinces» saying that «from difficult to stroll law and leave the last and therefore it is imperative to put all of these laws in one basket and understanding them once is safest for all ».
*** the developing legislative plan to overcome the gridlock and impasse appears to be a basket of laws, something for everyone *** the kurds use the term consensus, the other political factions use the term marginalization, the effect / result is the same. it is a good thing in my estimation ***
By: Ali Abel Sadah for Al-Monitor Iraq Pulse Posted on May 8.
A leading figure of the recent sit-in protests in Anbar (west of Baghdad) revealed that Sunni politician and Deputy Prime Minister Saleh al-Mutlaq has been mediating with Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki to calm things down. But this is causing sharp divisions among the participating groups of the sit-in
A truce proposal between Sunnis protesting in Anbar and the Iraqi government has been accepted by some Sunnis but rejected by others, reports Ali Abel Sadah.
Saleh al-Mutlaq Returns to Ramadi to Resolve the Sit-In Crisis
Author: Ali Abel Sadah
Translated by: Rani Geha
Categories :Originals Iraq
The leader told Al-Monitor on condition of anonymity that “a meeting was held at a house of one the largest Sunni tribes in Ramadi. The meeting included many sit-in leaders as well as representatives of extremist Sunni parties to hear a proposal about how to resolve the crisis and reduce the possibility of sliding into military confrontations.”
Earlier, Mutlaq had withdrawn from the political process to protest the Hawija events. But after the provincial elections on April 20, he started efforts to bring the conflicting parties together. Mutlaq did not do well in the elections. The Arab Iraqiya Bloc, which he endorsed in 12 provinces, won only five seats in 12 districts: two seats in Salahuddin and three in Baghdad.
Before the meeting, which happened at the beginning of May, Anbar Gov. Qasim al-Fahdawi met with Mutlaq in Anbar in the presence of provincial council members. Local TV showed Mutlaq insisting on a “truce with the government” and on “taking a stand to remove armed appearances because they may lead to violence and perhaps a repeat of the Hawija incident.”
During Mutlaq’s meeting with leading figures at the so-called “Square of Glory and Dignity,” his talk of calming things down caused a rift within the Sunni forces at the protest. The leading figure, who attended the meeting, said that “Mutlaq’s talk did not convince the parties, which are still insisting on confronting Maliki to the end.”
According to this source, “Those parties’ choices do not agree with those of Mutlaq. They want to continue the sit-in and get rid of Maliki, even if it costs them dearly.”
That figure, who is among those who support the truce, said that those who attended the meeting hold widely divergent opinions, and some even represent armed groups.
But Mutlaq convinced another group of demonstrators to turn the talk about a truce into reality. The figure said that “the meeting with them ended with a preliminary understanding to prevent the possibility of fighting between protesters and the Iraqi army as a first step, and then to negotiate with Maliki.”
Some of the representatives of the protesters demanded that Maliki come to Ramadi to negotiate. Mutlaq convinced them that the idea was not feasible and that the ministerial committee led by Hussein al-Shahristani, a leading Shiite cleric and deputy prime minister for energy affairs, may visit instead.
The figure also said that the two most prominent Sunni protest leaders, “Sheikh Ali Hatem al-Suleiman and Sheikh Ahmed Abu Risha, agreed in principle to Saleh al-Mutlaq’s roadmap.”
The fear that fighting may break out between the protesters and the Iraqi army coincided with the arrival of regular army units to the vicinity of the sit-in and the formation of a Sunni “army” to fight the Maliki government.
Last April, a spokesman for the protesters in Ramadi, Said al-Laffi, announced in a statement that tens of thousands of worshipers in Ramadi would in the following 72 hours form an army for the tribes in Anbar and six provinces to defend the provinces from attack.
Elsewhere, acting Defense Minister Saadoun al-Dulaimi said that whoever forms an army in the sit-in area to fight the Iraqi army “will pay the price.”
Dulaimi was speaking at a memorial service for five soldiers killed in Anbar. He pointed out that the “protest squares have turned into incubators for terrorists, and we must put an end to them,” which was broadcasted on the state-funded Al-Iraqiya TV channel.
He said that the Defense Ministry “has begun transferring military personnel and equipment to Anbar province after information was received that a Syrian dam could collapse and cause harm among Anbar's people. But the killers confronted the [military] vehicles, burned them and killed the drivers.” He accused “foreign players of instigating the protesters at these squares. There are also politicians who defend them.”
He also revealed that a “conference held in Istanbul under the title The Iraqi Spring’ gathered more than 150 people from the Muslim world … It is strange that the conference was broadcast live on large screens at the sit-in squares.”
Ali Abel Sadah is a Baghdad-based writer for both Iraqi and Arab media. He has been a managing editor for local newspapers, as well as a political and cultural reporter for over 10 years.
MP rules out approving any law in the current period
BAGHDAD / NINA / MP, lf the Iraqiya coalition, Etab al-Duri ruled out approving any bill in the House of Representatives during the current term.
She said in a statement to the National Iraqi News Agency / NINA /: "The political differences reflected negatively on the performance of parliament and disrupted its role" ruling out approving any of the bills that are currently in the Parliament, saying they will be transferred to the next parliamentary term. "
She described: "The Parliament as a semi-disabled, because of the political rivalries and adopting the language of political escalation rather than calm and resort to dialogue as an effective means to resolve differences, which shadowed over the interests of citizens and contributed actively to postpone the adoption of services laws that are in people's favor."
Kurd MP: What the Kurds want is to live in one Iraq without marginalization
BAGHDAD / NINA / MP< of the Kurdistan Alliance, Ashwaq al-Jaf confirmed that what the Kurds want is to live in one Iraq includes all without marginalization and selective."
She told the National Iraqi News Agency / NINA / "what has been agreed upon between the province and the center was based on the grounds that any agreement must include everyone and it should not be at the expense of any bloc or marginalizing any component."
She added that "the continuation of the democratic process in the country depends on the need for the participation of everyone in running "the one unified Iraq" without any exclusion or marginalization of any component or political bloc."
Kurds Could Face Voting Problems in Mosul, Officials Fear
By Obeid Rashavayi
DUHOK, Kurdistan Region – Thousands of Iraqi Kurds may be unable to vote in local elections in Mosul, authorities fear, due to problems with registration in the ethnically-mixed northern city whose Kurdish population was systematically forced out under Saddam Hussein’s ousted regime.
Provincial elections held in most of Iraq on April 22 were postponed to July in some of the country’s Sunni regions – including Mosul – due to ongoing protests against the Shiite-led government in Baghdad.
“A considerable number of names of Kurdish voters are missing in the registration lists. Some claim that the voters did not go to register their names in the election centers, others claim that it is Baghdad's fault,” said Arif Rushdi, an official from the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), one of the two ruling parties inside the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG).
"We are currently in touch with the Independent High Electoral Commission (IHEC) in Baghdad and Erbil,” Rushdi said. “Many Kurdish voters will be disenfranchised if this problem does not get settled," he feared.
Iraq’s large minority Kurds suffered greatly under Saddam’s brutal dictatorship. They were imprisoned, executed, exterminated with poison gas and displaced from Kurdish-majority regions where Saddam wanted power shifted in favor of his own Sunni powerbase.
Since Saddam was overthrown following the 2003 US-led invasion, the Kurds have established their own autonomous northern enclave, but also claim rights to other disputed regions, including large parts of Nineveh province, where Mosul is the capital.
Many displaced Kurds have been returning to their old homes, only to face administrative red-tape, including problems registering to vote.
Rushdi said that the KRG, “Should have checked the names of Kurdish families one by one in the lists of registered voters," even before the elections were postponed to July.
Kurdish authorities fear a rerun in Mosul of events in the northern district of Khanaqin, where more than 30,000 Kurds were reportedly unable to vote in the 2009 elections because their names could not be found on registration lists. Authorities have relied on food ration registrations to determine voting rights.
"In the 2009 elections the names of 34,000 Kurds were not found in the lists of registered voters. The same scenario might get repeated this time as well," said Ismat Rajab, an official of the ruling Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) in Mosul.
Hessein Sabri, director of food rations in Duhok province, said that since 2007 the KRG has assisted Kurds from disputed regions to transfer their documents to other Kurdish cities.
"This has been greatly successful, but no one made the necessary checks in order to register the unregistered names in the IHEC offices,” he said. “This might cause problems and some names might be missing when the list of eligible voters get announced."
Khalid Taalo, an IHEC official in the Nineveh province town of Shangal, complained that election authorities in Mosul had been uncooperative.
“More than 1,500 families from Baarde, Simel and Duhok have transferred their food ration documents to Shangal, but they did not find their names when they went to the IHEC’s office to register their names. The families have contacted us and we wrote a letter to the IHEC's office in Mosul, but they have not responded yet. The problem persists," he said.
Taalo also blamed citizens for not showing enough care to register their names at the election centers.
But Yousif Salman, deputy head of the IHEC's office in Mosul, said: "It is too early to talk about this problem. Nothing has happened yet, why should we get ahead of events?"
Patterns of Electoral Behaviour in Iraq: The Use of the Personal Vote in the April 2013 Provincial Elections
Posted by Reidar Visser on Thursday, 9 May 2013 12:20
Whereas the IHEC press conference announcing the results of Iraq’s 20 April local elections was merely a readout of the names of the winning candidates and their political affiliations, a second batch of useful information, giving the numbers achieved by each candidate, has now been published. This material makes it possible to analyse how the Iraqi electorate uses the “personal vote” option, whereby voters alongside their vote for a particular political entity can indicate their candidate of choice on that slate. When the votes are counted, the pre-set ranking of the candidates done by the party leadership is ignored altogether, and only specific personal votes garnered in the election count as the ordering of candidates on a particular list is done all over again.
Before discussing patterns of electoral behavior, some basic information about how the ballots are cast in an Iraqi election can be useful.Technically speaking, Iraqi voters do not actually receive ballot papers that include the names of the candidates, only the entity names and numbers. Accordingly, in order to make use of the personal vote option, they need to know the number of their preferred candidate and then fill in that candidate’s number after they have checked the box for their party vote. In theory this can happen in two ways: Either by knowing the candidate’s number beforehand (and remembering it at the voting booth), or by checking a register of all candidates available at the polling station. In practice, most personal votes are probably the result of beforehand knowledge. Electoral propaganda for individual candidates almost invariably includes the key two numbers that voters require, i.e. party list number and candidate number.
Typical Iraqi election poster showing political entity (419) and candidate number (2)
Then, to the actual use of the personal vote in the 20 April 2013 provincial elections. The first point that is worth making is that the personal vote option is indeed being used by the electorate – a lot. The following quick calculations are meant to provide a cross-section of contexts and electorates and show that across parties and governorates, from Iraqiyya to Shiite Islamists and from rural Maysan to the capital Baghdad, a large majority of Iraqi voters indicate their preferred candidate when they vote. Most of the examples indicate above 90% use of the candidate vote, and nowhere is the percentage less than 84%:
As for the individual results, the following is a list of Iraq’s 15 most popular provincial politicians, indicating personal votes achieved, list and position on list:
1 Khalaf Abd al-Samad 130,862 Basra 419 1 (Basra governor)
2 Salah Salim Abd al-Razzaq 68,895 Baghdad 419 1 (Baghdad governor)
3 Umar Aziz Hussein Salman al-Humayri 52,219 Diyala 458 58 (Diyala governor)
4 Adnan Abad Khudayr 41,006 Najaf 441 1 (Najaf governor)
5 Ali Dayi Lazim 38,605 Maysan 473 1 (Maysan governor)
9 Adil al-Saadi 16,686 Baghdad 419 6 (top candidate Fadila)
10 Muthanna Ali Mahdi 14,225 Diyala 501 3 (Badr)
11 Majid Mahdi Abd al-Abbas 14,147 Basra 411 1
12 Ammar Yusuf Hamud 13,048 Salahaddin 444 1
13 Saad al-Mutallabi 12,604 Baghdad 419 10 (prominent State of Law politician)
14 Muhammad Mahdi al-Saadri 11,502 Diyala 501 1 (Fadila)
15 Ahmad Abd al-Jabbar 11,470 Salahaddin 475 2
Several points are worthy of note here. Firstly, many of these seat winners, especially those with the highest votes, are governors. Presumably, the number one candidates on the various lists have an advantage in terms of the ability of voters to remember who they want to vote for (note though that the Diyala governor humbly put himself at the bottom of his list, only to be promoted to the top with a safe margin by his grateful electorate). But a closer look at the new councils indicate that the personal vote has done more than just provide a bit of symbolic backing for top candidates whose seats were never under threat anyway. Crucially, a very large proportion of the new Iraqi provincial councilors have been promoted through the personal vote results, rising from positions on their party lists where they would not have received seats according to the preset formula decided by party leaderships.
The best measure for seeing the effect of the popular vote is to carefully study that second set of tables issued by IHEC, which ranks candidates strictly after their personal votes. Note how almost all the major lists have very high percentages of candidates that moved forward to high positions due to personal votes they accumulated, mostly with more than 50% of the candidates rising to the top of the lists of vote getters being promoted from positions further down on the list (the main exception being the Sadrist, with somewhat lower rates). This is not the whole story, though. Because of the women’s quota, the eventual seat winners are not strictly the candidates that won the most votes. Given the requirement that every fourth seat goes to a woman – and that women with a few notable exceptions garnered relatively few personal votes – the women’s quota in Iraq effectively continues to serve as a check on the electorate’s will (and as such often tallies with the interests of party leaderships, the obvious advantages of having higher female representation notwithstanding). The following table shows the number of top-candidate councilors who remained in seat-winning positions also after the personal vote had been counted (first number); councilors that were promoted from non-winning positions due to the popular vote (second number); and finally women promoted through quota arrangements (third number). It should be added that there are probably no more than a couple of women in the second group of candidates that were promoted because they outnumbered other candidates (including men) in the personal vote, the best example probably being Aisha al-Masari of the Nujayfi list in Baghdad, who got 11,400 votes and thus almost made it to the national top 15.
In sum, the personal vote option, favoured by the Shiite clergy when it was introduced in 2008, remains largely successful in shaking up Iraqi politics. To some extent, the system was ridiculed when the Sadrists used it to the maximum in the parliamentary elections of 2010 by carefully orchestrating large number of personal votes for several Sadrists candidates who could then advance internally within the Iraqi National Alliance at the expense of other entities who saw their personal votes wasted on top candidates or not used at all. Nonetheless, these latest results show that the personal vote is here to stay in Iraq, and that elite politicians who choose to ignore it may be doing so at their own peril.
MP calls the government and parliament to take clear stand on Turkey
BAGHDAD / NINA / MP, of the state of law coalition, Yassin Majeed called on parliament and government to take clear position about the recent agreement between the Turkish government, represented by Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan, and the leader of the PKK, Abdullah Ocalan, to withdraw the fighters of PKK into northern Iraq.
He said in a press conference today May 9 that "Iraq welcomes any agreement between Turkey and its opponents, represented by PKK or the other, but not at the expense of Iraq and its sovereignty and independence," considering that a historic mistake of the Turkish government. "
He wondered: "Is the Iraqi government, represented by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, has informed to this Agreement, which entered into force and stipulates to withdraw PKK from Turkish territory to their bases in the Qandil Mountains in northern Iraq? Are these lands / Qandil Mountains / is Turkish territory that Erdogan and Ocalan agreed? And why it is in this particular time? ".
He made it clear that " there was a triple joint committee between Iraq, Turkey and the United States on anti-terrorist operations carried out by the PKK and after the U.S. withdrawal it became within the responsibility of Iraq and the guards of the region."
Majeed called on the government and parliament to take a clear and explicit stand to this blatant overtaking on the sovereignty and independence of Iraq.