It is EVICT MALIKI DAY + FIFTY - ONE ( 51 ) or " E - M DAY + 51 "
PREVIOUSLY AND CONTINUING
"..... despite the superiority of Maliki’s electoral coalition, the competing Shiite forces, the Kurds and the Sunnis, are together able to form a comfortable majority to prevent Maliki from remaining in office. "...................... Maliki likely fears that if he rushes to do business with parties outside the Shiite alliance, his Shiite rivals would do the same and that they may have a better chance to win over the Kurdish and Sunni forces, because there is a general consensus among them to not keep Maliki in power.
At the same time, the rest of the Shiite groups fear that this consensus is not solid enough to withstand discussing the details, and that going alone to the Kurdish and Sunni forces may put them in a weak bargaining position and make them appear responsible for breaking Shiite unity.
An important factor here are the choices that the Sunni and Kurdish forces will make. If the Sunnis and Kurds rush to form ethnic and sectarian alliances, then the Shiite alliance may do the same.
Some are proposing scenarios such as replacing Maliki with another figure from the State of Law Coalition as a compromise to ensure the continuation of the Shiite alliance. Yet, such a solution may come at a later stage, after the favored options by most parties have been exhausted. What is certain now is that a harsh negotiating season will begin as the conflict moves from its electoral aspect into the closed negotiating rooms and deals among the elite. - - from al Monitor
Generally, all are " waiting for the National Alliance to name its candidate, formally , to start negotiate with him. "
Sunday, June 15th, 2014 20:58
Legal: forming the next government will not take more than two months
BAGHDAD / Baghdadi News / .. saw legal analyst, on Sunday that once the Federal Court approval on the results of the parliamentary elections will form the next government, expected to be formed within two months.
He said legal analyst Tariq Harb said in an interview with / Baghdadi News /, that "the formation of the next government will not take more than two months," adding, that "everyone is awaiting the approval of the Federal Court on the results of the elections, which will be announced during the next two days." He added, "The first session of the House of Representatives will be the end of June or the first of next July," noting, that it is "as soon as the issuance of a presidential decree on the Vice President of the Republic calls its new deputies to hold a meeting in the House of Representatives." He continued, the war that "the real political movement will begin after the swearing in of constitutional Algesh first to the House of Representatives," adding, "The election of the Speaker of the House and the President of the Republic in the second session of the House of Representatives."
He noted, that "the person's choice of prime minister will be the largest parliamentary bloc in the number of seats in the House of Representatives, which will select the president."
He explained, legal analyst said that "as soon as the formation of the Council of Ministers and presented to the House of Representatives to give him confidence're not finished forming all sections of the government," and he predicted that "the current circumstances faced by the government is not Kalzerov they were in the parliamentary elections of 2010."
The previous parliamentary elections which were held on 7 / March 2010 to form her government took more than eight months until 17 / November 2010.
AIN reveals names of four MPs behind delay of Federal Court's approval for elections results
Monday, 16 June 2014 11:22
Baghdad (AIN) –The Supreme Judicial Council revealed that the approval of the election results is delayed due to four MPs.
The spokesperson of the judicial authority, Abdul Sattar al-Biraqdar, stated to AIN "MPs, Abaas Mitaiwi, Raad al-Dahlaki, Saleem al-Jouburi, and Omer al-Humairi, are behind the delay of the approval of the elections results due to some judicial claims against them."
The Iraqi Supreme Court Certifies the 30 April General Election Result
Posted by Reidar Visser on Monday, 16 June 2014 19:54
It’s official: The provisional result of Iraq’s 30 April general election, published last month, has been certified by the federal supreme court.
In the IHEC statement to this effect, there is a caveat. 4 seat winners have not been approved, and won’t be approved until they have been cleared of charges relating to serious crime cases against them. Pending settlement of the court cases, their membership in parliament will remain pending, and no replacement deputies will be appointed. Whereas this may sound somewhat messy, it is actually what happened also in 2010, when 2 seat winners were provisionally excluded. Back then, it took longer for parliament to reconvene than for the judicial authorities to settle one of the cases (and one candidate was voluntarily substituted by another candidate from his bloc), so no procedural problems emerged.
With the general political climate in Iraq approaching boiling point, questions will inevitably pertain to the political affiliations of those 4 that were excluded. 3 of them come from a single list, the Sunni, pro-Nujayfi list that ran in Diyala province: Salim al-Jibburi, Raad al-Dahlaki and Umar al-Humayri. They have all been in various forms of conflict with Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki, and Jibburi (once an Iraqi Islamic Party member who cooperated with the first Maliki government) and Humayri (ex governor of Diyala ousted by Maliki allies) most bitterly so.
Still, before running to conclusions about another politicized court decision in Iraq, consider the fourth excluded candidate: Abbas Jabir al-Khuzaie, a seat winner in Qadisiyya province for Maliki’s own State of Law list. Khuzaie is a local politician from the Qadisiyya council who was once with the secular Iraqiyya before defecting to State of Law in 2011. He was then with the Independents bloc of Hussein al-Shahristani and may still be a member of that bloc subunit. Still, despite ongoing internal rivalry in State of Law, it seems unlikely that Maliki would fabricate an exclusion from his own rank in a situation where the loyalty of every new single Iraqi deputy is meticulously being monitored in the contest to form the biggest parliament bloc and supply the next premier candidate.
The certification of the election result opens the door for government formation: The Iraqi president (or his acting deputy) must issue a call for the Iraqi parliament to convene within 15 days, i.e. at the end of June. Theoretically, parliament will then elect its speaker, and, within a month, a new president who will then charge the candidate of the largest bloc in parliament to form a government.
For Iraqi politicians, despite the current crisis, the parliamentary government formation process is likely to remain the main political track going forward. It is a problem, therefore, that much US rhetoric on conditions for aid to the Iraqi government seem focused on ideas about some sort of national reconciliation initiative that would precede the delivery of further assistance. It is very hard to see how that would fit in with the Iraqi government formation logic. Whereas there has been much talk among Americans about imposing conditionality on future military assistance in Iraq, US rhetoric has been disconcertingly void of specific proposals for measures that would satisfy them. On the other hand, there is no lack of American suggestions for favourite cabinet line-ups that could be imposed, possibly even with Iranian support. Some of this thinking seems to belong to the era of the CPA in 2003–04, rather than in today’s situation.
Meanwhile, ISIS continues its savagery, the Kurds consolidate their quasi-independence, and Maliki for once actually has an excuse for drumming up state-of-emergency rhetoric.
Maliki's coalition and the Kurdistan does not expect the formation of a new government soon, and the latter rejects the "National Salvation"
Tue Jun 17 2014 23:19 | (Voice of Iraq)
ong-Presse / Baghdad
Ruled out a coalition of state law and the Kurdistan Alliance, on Tuesday, to be able to political blocs to agree on forming a new government through the constitutional deadline to hold the first session of the elected parliament, while attributed first to preoccupation with the crisis of the current security, announced the second "non-support" for the government of "national salvation ".
Maliki's coalition: the security crisis will delay the formation of new government
And saw a coalition of state law, which is headed by Nuri al-Maliki, that the political blocs "will not agree" on the formation of the new government through constitutional deadline to hold the first session of the elected parliament to concern the current security crisis.
He ruled out an alliance member, Mohammed Chihod, in an interview to the (long-Presse), that "you can political blocs agree to form a new government within a period of 15 days set for the holding of the first session of parliament-elect," attributing it to "busy all the security file and fighter Daash especially after Fatwa religious authority Ulkipaúa jihad. "
He predicted Chihod, that "witnessing the next phase address people and national working for the interest of Iraq," pointing out that "the president of a coalition of state law, Nuri al-Maliki, had announced before the crisis, the current security, collecting 175 votes to form a new government, and that the dialogues were in full swing to discuss the matter, but now that things have changed because of the complexity of the security landscape. "
The Constitution requires the President to invite new parliament to convene within 15 days of the ratification of the election results, with the possibility to extend this invitation for once.
Article 55 of the Iraqi Constitution, that "the House of Representatives shall be elected at the first session its president, then a first deputy and second deputy, by an absolute majority of the Council members by direct secret ballot."
In addition, Article (70 / I) of the Constitution, that "elected by the House of Representatives from among the candidates President of the Republic, by a majority of two-thirds of its members, and if none of the candidates received the required majority, the rivalry between the two candidates who obtained the highest number of votes, and declared president of the gets a majority of votes in the second ballot. "
Kurdistan Alliance: do not support the government of national salvation
In turn, the Kurdistan Alliance, "did not support" calls on the formation of a government of national salvation, preferring to be done according to the Constitution.
The MP said the pro-Tayeb said in an interview to the (long-Presse), "The formation of the new government will have to wait for more than 15 months ( sic ? days ) ," noting that there are "several opinions on the form the next government, and whether to save the national or under the Constitution."
The good, that "Iraq is a democratic country has a constitution that explains the mechanism of forming the government, during a meeting of Parliament within a period of 15 days from the approval of the results of the elections to elect a president and two vice presidents as well as the President of the Republic by the political blocs."
The MP from the Kurdistan Alliance, that "the Coalition supports the formation of a government under the Constitution and not a government of national salvation, of the difficulty of forming the last, and the lack of a mechanism thereon or handled," stressing the need to "accelerate the negotiations to form a government."
The parties to many political consistently during the last term, to call for the formation of a government "of national salvation", or "national consensus" to pull the country out of crisis (political and security) present, in the belief that the head of the government expired, Nuri al-Maliki, "no longer fit" to continue in his duties and take over a third time, and the most prominent of those parties, leader of the National Coalition, Iyad Allawi.
The Federal Supreme Court, ratified, on Monday, (the 16th of June 2014 the current) on the results of the parliamentary elections that took place in (the thirtieth of April 2014).
The representative of the religious authority in Karbala, Abdul Mahdi al-Karbalai, called last Friday (13 June Current), who are able to take up arms to volunteer in the war against terrorism, returned it as "holy war", and confirmed that it is to be killed in this war is a "martyr , "and called on the armed forces to the courage and tenacity, and demanded political leaders to leave their differences and unify their position to assign the armed forces.
The organization Daash may impose its control over the northern city of Mosul, the center of the province of Nineveh, (405 km north of Baghdad), Tuesday (tenth of June 2014), and seized the security headquarters where the airport, and released hundreds of detainees, which led to he married hundreds thousands of families to the city and neighboring areas of the Kurdistan region, also extended Activity Daash, today, to the provinces of Salahuddin, Kirkuk and Diyala.
MP Hassan calls not to hold the first session of parliament without the presence of all the House of Representatives
Thu Jun 19 2014 16:19 | (Voice of Iraq)
Sumerian News / Baghdad
He called for a coalition of state law, Mahmoud Hassan, on Thursday, the presidency not to call parliament to hold first session without the presence of all deputies.
Hassan said in an interview for "Alsumaria News", "The meeting of the Council of Representatives in the presence of 324 members, and the expense of a quorum on the basis of this number, contrary to article 11 of the electoral law that made the House of Representatives consists of 328 members, which can not be with him any decision."
Hassan called the presidency "not to call a session until the count is completed." *
The parliamentary legal committee emphasized, in (18 May 2014), that the age of the current parliament ends on June 14, 2014, and can not extend the session for "one minute", as pointed out the possibility of extending the current session for the purpose of "budget approval" only.
As the Iraqi army confronts the Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham (ISIS) on 10 fronts with the support of some tribes and “volunteers,” international and regional circles seem busy trying to cope with this organization. These circles are trying to find a political solution to the crisis of governance, now that it has become clear that a military solution would be impossible, as per the statement made yesterday [June 18] by Iraqi Foreign Minister Hoshyar Zebari, in which he said Baghdad had asked Washington for help with airstrikes on militants.
Summary⎙ Print As the Iraqi army fights the Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham, Iran's president says his country is ready to defend holy sites in Iraq.
Author Mushreq Abbas, Joyce Karam, Mohammad Saleh Sodqian
Posted June 19, 2014
Original Article اقرا المقال الأصلي باللغة العربية
Major figures of the US administration, including Secretary of Defense Chuck Hagel and Joint Chiefs of Staff Chairman Gen. Martin Dempsey, stepped up their criticism yesterday of Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki, holding him responsible for failing to manage the state. They stressed, however, that it was "up to the Iraqi people alone" to decide on Maliki’s stepping down.
Meanwhile, Iran is conditioning its cooperation with the US administration to calm the situation in Mesopotamia on the success of the nuclear negotiations, among other conditions that coincided with the announcement of Iranian President Hassan Rouhani yesterday that his country was ready “to defend the [Shiite] holy sites.”
Saudi Foreign Minister Prince Saud al-Faisal warned during the opening conference of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation in Jeddah yesterday of “a civil war in Iraq whose repercussions on the region cannot be predicted,” and accused Baghdad once again of implicitly adopting “a sectarian style” and practicing “exclusion.”
The Baiji oil refinery, one of Iraq's largest, turned into a battlefield after an attempt on the part of ISIS gunmen and other armed factions to break into it. Militants, who have controlled the cities of Mosul and Tikrit for nine days, as well as Fallujah and parts of Anbar for more than six months, are opening 10 fronts across a wide area.
Qassim Atta, spokesman for the General Command of the Armed Forces, said during a news conference that the security forces “succeeded in repelling the ISIS attack on the Baiji refinery.” But witnesses from the town, which has been under militant control for days, told Al-Hayat that the town was encircled by ISIS, which managed to break into it yesterday morning only to retreat following fierce resistance from the military unit stationed inside. Smoke plumes were seen rising from the refinery, suggesting its facilities have been damaged.
Oil Ministry spokesman Assem Jihad told Al-Hayat, “We are self-sufficient in oil products and derivatives, and the refinery stoppage will not affect the local consumer market.”
Political forces were trying to remedy the situation through rapprochement between Maliki and certain Sunni politicians known for their hostile positions.
A leader in the State of Law Coalition, Abbas al-Bayati, told Al-Hayat yesterday [June 18], “The meeting of the political forces, which was held on Tuesday [June 17] evening, concluded an agreement on the formation of a military force of Mosul residents and led by the governor of Mosul, Athil al-Nujaifi.”
Even though the implementation of such a move seems difficult in light of the reality on the ground in Sunni areas, where traditional politicians are no longer influential, the expected adjustments must eventually go through the political class, especially parliament.
But the security reality is steps ahead of the political reality, as armed groups led by ISIS are opening 10 fronts at a time, imposing their control over a large geographical area and engaging in daily clashes with military forces stationed in Tal Afar, north of Mosul. Fronts are opening in Baiji, Samarra, Kirkuk, Baquba and areas west of Baghdad and north of Babylon. Add to this their concentration in Mosul, Tikrit and Fallujah.
This major deployment of militants raises many questions about the actual size of the forces fighting on the ground, and whether it is possible for ISIS, with all this media attention, to achieve such a deployment.
The armed groups are sharing power in the areas, and the Naqshbandi Army has spread in Kirkuk and southeast of Mosul. These areas have been controlled by this organization for days. For its part, the “Islamic Army” is mainly spread around Baghdad and north Babil, while the 1920 Revolution Brigades are stationed in Diyala.
In Washington, criticism against Maliki has escalated. Former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton called on him to step down. She told CNN, “It’s imperative that the government of Iraq, currently led by Maliki, be more inclusive, much more willing to share power, involve all the different segments of Iraq.”
Hagel blamed recent events on Maliki during a congressional hearing, holding him responsible for failing to form a government of national unity. Meanwhile, Dempsey said, "I would describe [Maliki’s] response as a volume of conspiracy theories."
Escalating crisis drives surge in Iraq's messianic movements
The radicalization of Iraqi politics that has contributed to the current crisis in the country can be better understood with an appreciation of the role of Islamic messianism, especially among Iraqi Shiites. This trend may even be more prominent, because if there is a battle for Baghdad, it will be fought along religious and sectarian lines.
Summary⎙ Print Political and economic hardships in Iraq have contributed to the rise of radical Messianic movements that claim to represent the return of the Mahdi.
Author Ali Mamouri
Posted June 19, 2014
The advent of saviors is one of the salient features of all Abrahamic religions, and is an idea that manifested itself differently in all three of those religions: Judaism, Christianity and Islam. This idea grows and evolves throughout history, usually as a result of harsh social and political circumstances that drove people into seeking divine intervention from a heavenly emissary that would restore the tide of history back onto the righteous path.
In Islam, the concept of a savior appeared in the form of one of the Prophet Muhammad’s grandchildren named Mahdi, who would return at the end of times to save the world. The Shiites are not the only sect who believe in the Mahdi (the Guided One), for Sunnis also have similar — yet slightly different — beliefs that led to Sunni models of Mahdism. The latter includes the Imam Muhammad al-Mahdi movement (Al-Mahdiyya), which was established in Sudan in the 19th century, and the Juhayman al-Otaibi movement in Saudi Arabia, which occupied the Grand Mosque in Mecca for two weeks in 1979.
Mahdism garners greater acceptance and attraction in Iraq, where the social, political and economic tragedies that have befallen the country for a long time have led people to despair and seek solace in mythological solutions that promise salvation from widespread corruption and injustices. The Salafist tendencies that have permeated Shiite society in the past decades have strengthened the appeal of Mahdism in those societies and confirmed the imminent arrival of the Mahdi — a momentous event that those movements consider themselves responsible for paving the way for. Among the most prominent examples of this undertaking is the victory of the Islamic Revolution in Iran, which built its state on the basis that it represents the Mahdi, with the supreme leader who serves as deputy to the Mahdi, thus paving the way for the latter’s arrival.
In Iraq specifically, Mohammed Sadeq al-Sadr, Muqtada al-Sadr’s father, played a major role in reviving the idea of the Mahdi within Shiite society. Toward that end, Sadr wrote three large tomes that revolved around the concept of the Mahdi’s advent, imbuing them with modern details in the context of general political and military analyses that confirmed the arrival of the Mahdi as being imminent. The publishing of these tomes coincided with Sadr opening the doors of his religious school to large numbers of young people who came from southern provinces to study in Najaf, having grown despondent about the miserable political and economic situation that prevailed during the 1990s. The result was the emergence of a great potential to enshrine the Mahdist idea among Sadr’s pupils in subsequent years.
Notable among Mahdists is their anti-traditional view of religious schools, which can also be attributed to Sadr, who established the concept of a “vocal” Shiite seminary, instead of a silent one. He aimed to critique traditional religious schools that did not interfere in political affairs, and thus digressed from the true teachings of Shiism. This means that Sadr succeeded in merging Mahdist ideology with political Shiism and producing a dangerous form of Shiite Salafism, the consequences of which prominently took center stage after 2003.
The first of these consequences was the emergence of the Soldiers of Heaven, established by Diyaa Abdul Zahra al-Karaawi, who endowed himself with the title of “Heaven’s Judge.” Karaawi belonged to the Sadrist school of thought and claimed, in the 1990s, to be affiliated with Imam Mahdi, when he began developing his ideals during many travels to Iran and other countries. He also penned a book titled "Heaven’s Judge," in which he claimed to be the direct son of Imam Ali, who miraculously traveled in time to the present day in the sense that the sperm of Imam Ali had been safely kept to be transferred to his mother. Beginning in 2003, Karaawi managed to attract many followers until his became a dangerous movement, establishing camps to train an army to prepare the world for the Mahdi’s resurrection. His initial plans included killing the grand Shiite authorities of Najaf for the negative role that they played in Shiite society, in keeping with the Sadrist idea of a nonsilent religious school of thought. Karaawi and his followers were killed in a major engagement with Iraqi forces backed by US troops in January 2007.
Concurrently, a man by the name of Ahmad Ismail Kateh established a Mahdist movement built on the premise that there were 12 Mahdis and not just one, and that he was one of those 12 and a grandson of Shiism’s famous Mahdi. Kateh succeeded in gaining many followers in Iraq and Iran as well. He leaned toward espousing cultural, rather than confrontational, ideals to avert the same fate suffered by the Heaven’s Judge. Despite that, his followers and the Iraqi government clashed on many occasions. He ultimately disappeared, and his representatives in major Iraqi Shiite cities — such as Karbala, Najaf and Basra — began making propaganda for him in religious schools known as the seminaries for supporters of Imam Mahdi.
A third Sadrist-inspired movement emerged, in which leaders did not outwardly claim to be the Mahdi, though they did resort to religious symbols that implied Mahdism. Most prominent among them was Mahmoud al-Hassani, also known as al-Sarkhi, who currently lives in Karbala, southwest of Baghdad. It is worth noting that “Sayyed al-Hassani” refers to a main personage in Shiite lore expected to pave the way for the Mahdi’s return.
Wide-ranging disagreements have now emerged between the latter two types of movements, leading to violent protests by both sides on May 15. The atmosphere remains charged between the two movements in many Shiite cities such as Karbala, Basra, Diwaniyah, Al Kout and others.
The Iraqi Shiite community still possesses great potential for the emergence of Mahdist movements, as a result of the difficult security and living conditions, the decrepit educational system — which fails to develop Iraqis' rational thinking — in addition to the spread of ignorance, and the varied social and economic problems that continue to plague the country.
The Iraqi government has yet to tell its side of the story after the Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham (ISIS) occupied the province of Ninevah on June 10, leaving the door open for interpretations and rumors. The central government in Baghdad shut down social media websites to prevent rumors about the fall of cities and the defeat of the army at the hands of ISIS from spreading.
Summary⎙ Print A member of the Iraqi Baath Party claims that 14 different factions, including the Baathists, were involved in the takeover of Ninevah province on June 10.
Author Omar al-Jaffal
Posted June 19, 2014
At this point, what is certain is that ISIS did not enter Ninevah alone, but was accompanied by other armed factions that have been trying for a while to destabilize the security situation in Iraq.
A prominent member of the Arab Socialist Baath Party, whose rule was overturned in Iraq upon the US occupation of Baghdad in 2003, told Al-Monitor that “14 factions have joined efforts to enter Ninevah.”
The party member, who was an officer in the army of the late leader Saddam Hussein, said on condition of anonymity, “The Baath Party was compelled to be involved in this battle since the successive Iraqi governments have shut all doors in its face.”
The armed organizations that occupied Ninevah removed all the road blocks to prove to citizens that they are better than the Iraqi government, knowing that the latter had excessively used road blocks during its control over the province. Eyewitnesses in Ninevah recounted how ISIS tried to make the residents feel secure to gain their support for the imminent battles to be fought with the Iraqi army.
Um Ahmad, a housewife from Mosul, told Al-Monitor over the phone, “ISIS distributed flyers prohibiting smoking and imposing the veil on women. These lists will comprise more bans, everyone knows it.”
Um Ahmad, who was relying on the Iraqi and US air forces to take Mosul back after it suddenly fell under the control of militants, added, “The situation is calm. There are no clashes. We hear about bombardment, but it has yet to reach our region.”
ISIS is committing massacres against the residents of Ninevah. Reports are emerging that women have committed suicide after being raped by militants.
The Baath party, which ruled Iraq from 1968 until 2003, was divided into several factions. The two most prominent — that of Izzat al-Douri, the second strongman after Saddam and the deputy chairman of the Revolutionary Command Council, and the faction of Brig. Gen. Mohammad Younes al-Ahmad, who assumed many positions in Saddam's government — had fallen into a fierce dispute in 2006.
The dispute became of paramount importance after Ahmad split from Douri and called for a review of Saddam’s era. The Baath Party member, however, affirms that both factions found their chance with ISIS entering Ninevah after they hit rock bottom.
The Syrian regime sponsored both factions in the years following the invasion of Iraq. It was also suspected of sheltering Ahmad. The party member, however, ruled out the possibility that Syria was involved in sponsoring the Baathist entry into Mosul. Yet he affirmed, “Both factions have made up under vague circumstances, or else they would not have agreed on this operation.”
The source, whose relative was a minister in Saddam's government, said, “The arrogance of [Prime Minister Nouri al-] Maliki and his circle has prevented the reconciliation with the Baath,” adding, “As long as [Baath members] are marginalized with no decent livelihood, they will remain an easy catch for ISIS and even worse organizations.”
The member split from Ahmad's faction in 2009 and founded a new party that negotiated with Izzat Shabandar, a parliamentarian who was close to Maliki, to enter the political process. He told Al-Monitor, “The army is taking back Mosul.”
The same source said, “The army was weak due to the corruption of the military instruction, which Maliki has made part of the sectarian quotas.”
The battles that erupted when gunmen from the Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham (ISIS) and other groups occupied Mosul on June 10 are now approaching sensitive areas for the Shiite community, shifting the patterns and implications of the conflict.
Summary⎙ Print The battle between Iraqi forces and the Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham (ISIS) could get even more brutal as the conflict occurs in Sunni-Shiite contact points.
Author Mushreq Abbas
Posted June 18, 2014
After the gunmen took Mosul, they headed south toward Tikrit and the provinces of Salahuddin and Kirkuk, bypassing the city of Tal Afar, which lies northwest of Mosul and is predominantly inhabited by Shiite Turkmens. But on June 16, they attacked Tal Afar without being able to gain control of it.
Tal Afar is a very dangerous contact point, which carries nationalist and sectarian dimensions for the Turkmens and Shiites respectively. For this reason, a large government force is still holed up there.
Iraqi government forces, which have experienced a series of collapses since the start of the fighting, left another contact point, the town of Tuz Khurmato. The town is demographically and religiously similar to Tal Afar but in favor of Iraqi Kurdistan's peshmerga forces, with gunmen present at the city’s outskirts.
Government troops and Shiite volunteers have responded to a fatwa issued by top Shiite cleric Ali al-Sistani, and taken up positions in the city of Samarra, north of Baghdad, and at its borders, securing the road between the two cities.
Samarra is a complex region and hosts two Shiite shrines, which were destroyed by al-Qaeda in 2006, leading to the outbreak of civil war.
Defending Samarra is difficult due to the city’s geography. It is open to the north and east through the uncontrolled al-Jalam Desert, which has been previously used as an entry point to occupy the city. The Sunni population dislikes both the Iraqi army and the Shiite volunteers and militiamen stationed in the city. This situation has forced an increase in the size of the fortifications and troops near the al-Askari shrines in particular.
Yet, the militants did not make a strong push on Samarra, as was expected. Rather, they attacked Shiite-majority Balad, another contact point to the south. Whoever controls Balad can impact the Iraqi army’s ability to resupply its troops in Samarra. However, government forces stationed in Balad repelled the attack.
Another sectarian contact point is the town of Khalis, northeast of Baghdad, on the borders of Diyala province. Khalis is a Shiite-majority town that has seen intense security preparations after al-Azim, to the north, fell to ISIS and its allies.
Strategically, al-Azim is more important than Khalis. The fall of al-Azim would end all means of land communication between the regions of Kurdish influence, which stretch from the cities of the Kurdistan Region of Iraq to the Hamrin Mountains, and those of Shiite influence, which stretch from Baghdad down to al-Azim. It is worth noting that the Baghdad-Kirkuk-Erbil road is now effectively closed due to this fact.
The center of the mixed-religion city of Baquba is also a sectarian contact point. Government forces have succeeded in repelling an attack by gunmen inside Baquba after the towns of Jalula, al-Saadia and Muqdadiyah fell to gunmen.
Diyala province, which borders Iran to the east, has witnessed conflict between government forces, ISIS gunmen and the Kurdish peshmerga, making it very important in the overall conflict. Unconfirmed reports indicate that three Iranian units have entered Diyala. The conflict over Diyala could take a new turn and trigger a regional or international crisis.
Sectarian contact points are located in towns spread in the Sunni “ocean” north of Baghdad, and identifying them requires defining the battles currently taking place in Iraq.
Until now, the deployment map of ISIS and its allies showed they had positioned themselves in predominantly Sunni towns, and that Shiite-majority towns were well-protected by government troops and volunteers.
At this stage, the conflict’s essence is political. The gunmen halting their march to contact points and the fact that they stopped threatening to enter Baghdad allow us to deal with the crisis based on two main tracks:
•Launching a real political solution on the ground, with procedures to form a new government that can isolate ISIS from the Sunni ocean north of Baghdad.
•Launching quality military operations with the help of the populations of the Sunni cities to restore state authority. Mosul Gov. Athil al-Nujaifi has welcomed the formation of a local military force to recover the city.
If ISIS crosses the contact points, occupies Shiite towns and commits massacres, the conflict would reach an entirely different level, formally becoming a sectarian conflict. This is not impossible given ISIS's behavior, continued threats and political approach that seeks to cause sectarian wars.
It is not enough to protect Shiite towns from the gunmen. Given the current nature of the battle, avoiding crossing the demarcation lines in the coming days is not guaranteed.
Recovering gunmen-controlled Sunni cities militarily without the required political changes and without calling for Sunnis to participate in this process will have a negative impact on the solution. Iraqis want this solution implemented with the fewest possible losses at the national level.
President Obama's long-awaited response to crisis in Iraq
President Barack Obama’s decision to deploy up to 300 military advisers — as opposed to the anticipated 100 — indicates a high level of concern about the sectarian divide between Shiites and Sunnis in Iraq, further deepened by Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki's lack of serious commitment to an authentic political partnership with Sunnis and Kurds.
Summary⎙ Print The US administration has demonstrated serious concern for Iraq's national unity.
Author Clovis Maksoud
Posted June 19, 2014
This was a surreptitious indictment, indirectly recommending a leadership in Iraq that can bring about reconciliation by drawing Sunnis into the political system. Obama hinted that discrimination has isolated the broad Sunni constituency to remove any temptation to be permissive of a role for the Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham (ISIS).
Here, the implication is that Iraq's newly elected parliament needs to bring forth a government that can transform the ethnic and sectarian divide into a unity of diversity, meaning somebody other than the current prime minister.
It follows that the Sunnis and Kurds, along with the Shiite majority, must select a Shiite statesman who can elicit trust and respond to the legitimate demands of all communities, and expedite the process of a national reconciliation.
In an earlier blog, I suggested a leader of Ayad Allawi stature, a proven moderate Shiite leader, but he is not the only one.
Obama's emphasis on the urgent resolution of the political and sectarian divide was much more than a hint, but definitely not a demand.
It is very clear that deploying military advisers to help train the army to preserve national unity would be a decisive instrument to prevent terrorism.
Obama signaled hopefully that Iran would help enhance the prospects of reconciliation to help avoid sectarian conflict in Iraq and the region.
His emphasis on the priority of political strategy to bring national unity in Iraq suggests that it could be a significant contribution to diffuse sectarian tensions. It is evident that this emphasis on Iraq’s national unity underlines the anxiety of the region as a whole: If Iraq remains in a situation of dangerous sectarian divide, it might trigger regional destabilization.
It will be important during the next few days to discern the responses of the political forces, which might include intransigence on the part of Maliki, bringing to the forefront a moderate and significant leader of the Shiites to act as an architect of Iraqi unity, which has eluded this Arab country for many years.
Contributor, Lebanon Pulse
Clovis Maksoud is a former ambassador and permanent observer of the League of Arab States at the United Nations and its chief representative in the United States for more than 10 years.
Iraqi Kurds seize control of key Syria border crossing
ERBIL, Iraq — Iraqi Kurdish peshmerga forces have seized most of the borders that divide the landlocked Kurds between Iraq and Syria, with increasing public support from both sides of the border. Kurds in several cities in Syria rallied in support of the Kurdish fighters that are engaging the Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham (ISIS) both in Syria and Iraq, but unity between rival Kurdish parties is no guarantee.
Summary⎙ Print The Syria-based Democratic Union Party (PYD) fears a return to isolation after a Kurdish rival, the Iraq-based Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP), captures the Rabia border crossing.
Author Wladimir van Wilgenburg
Posted June 19, 2014
Peshmerga forces affiliated with the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) of Kurdistan Regional Government President Massoud Barzani secured most of the Iraqi-Syrian border areas of the province of Mosul on June 10 after the fall of the city to ISIS.
Importantly, they have secured most areas surrounding the previously Iraqi-controlled Rabia-Yaroubia border crossing. The Yaroubia crossing was captured by the Democratic Union Party (PYD), which is affiliated with the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK), in October 2013 in cooperation with the Iraqi government to circumvent the Turkish and KDP border closures between Syrian and Iraqi Kurdistan.
Conflicting reports suggest the People’s Protection Units (YPG), the armed wing of the PYD, are still occupying the Iraqi side of the border crossing, with peshmerga fighters asking them to leave. Hashim Sitey, the local peshmerga commander in Rabia, told KDP-affiliated Rudaw on June 16 that they tried to ask YPG forces to surrender the crossing, but that they have so far refused.
Local authorities in Dahuk refused Al-Monitor permission to go to Rabia, citing security threats.
Many Kurds are dissatisfied with the ongoing power struggle between the PKK and Barzani’s KDP over power-sharing in Syria. Syrian Kurdish parties affiliated to the KDP have refused to recognize the newly established canton administrations by the PYD.
The KDP closed the Semalka border in October 2013 to pressure the PKK to share power with KDP-backed parties in Syria. The PYD now fears that the KDP will use its new gains to further pressure the PYD and called on the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) to fully open the Semalka border crossing,
The crisis in Iraq has nevertheless strengthened calls for Kurdish unity among Kurds in facing the threat posed by jihadist militants who have been battling the YPG in Kurdish enclaves in Syria since last summer, and have kidnapped and executed Kurdish civilians.
“It is a shame that the YPG and the peshmerga cannot unite. Kurds should be one,” Aref Mohammed, a 34-year-old Kurdish civilian who fled the Syrian city of Hassakeh and lives in Iraqi Kurdistan, told Al-Monitor.
The tensions between the Kurdish administrations in Syria and Iraq have prevented cross-border trade and cooperation that could have relieved the Kurds in Syria, many of whom are suffering from high unemployment and economic devastation due to the war.
Still, there were some small signs of improvement in relations between the PKK and the KDP.
Mustafa Abdulaziz, the head of the PYD-controlled Syrian side of the Semelka border gate, told Al-Monitor that the chances of Kurdish unity were increasing. “It is good that one enemy (ISIS) is making the Kurds move closer to each other. The border is now opened for people to return to Rojava (the term Kurds use to refer to western Kurdistan in Syria).”
On June 9, dozens of Syrian Kurds returned to Syria from the KRG-controlled border after an agreement was reached between the two sides
According to Abdulaziz, the Syrian Kurdish border administrations asked for a meeting for 20 days with the KDP-controlled border administration in Iraq to open the borders. As a result of the Mosul crisis, the border administrations on both sides agreed on June 9 to allow Syrian Kurds to return and open the border for international delegations and humanitarian groups.
Furthermore, there was a meeting between the peshmerga forces and the YPG on the Rabia crossing on June 10 after the border crossing was controlled on both sides by Kurdish forces.
Both the YPG and the PKK released statements that they were willing to protect the Kurds in all parts of Kurdistan, and the pro-PKK media have ended their previous media attacks that accused the KDP of treason and working with Turkey against Syrian Kurds by closing off the borders.
“Our guerrilla forces are ready to give any kind of support and fight actively, side-by-side with the peshmerga forces to protect the Kurdish people,” the PKK said in a statement on June 11, urging all Kurdish parties to hold a Kurdish national congress that was postponed as a result of political tensions.
“The current situation in the Middle East necessitates Kurdish unity, and the holding of a Kurdish national congress,” Zagros Hiwa, a PKK spokesperson, told Al-Monitor.
But peshmerga forces have politely refused any help from the PKK. Helgurd Hikmet Mela Ali, a spokesperson for the peshmerga, denied any agreement with the YPG.
“Until now there is no agreement with YPG forces, who told us they were ready to help us. But we do not need their help. The YPG is on the other side, and the peshmerga is on this (Iraqi) side. They cooperate with each other to manage this area,” he told Al-Monitor.
Mela Ali said that the YPG is in more need of cooperation with the peshmerga due to the border crossings controlled by Barzani’s forces. “Rabia is controlled by the peshmerga and Fish Khabur is controlled by the peshmerga. They have to [cooperate] because the peshmergas are in [control of] this area.”
On the ground in Syria, relations are still tense. On June 14, the PYD dispersed a meeting of the pro-KDP party in Syria celebrating the foundation of the establishment of the KDP in Syria in Malikiye, removing the KDP-S logo on their office in Kobane, or Ayn al-Arab in Arabic, for not accepting the laws of the new canton administration.
“We have never had problems with the PYD. The PYD made these problems by doing this unilaterally (creating canton administration). So we want the PYD to work with the other Kurdish parties, and once they follow the agreements we have no problems with them,” Hemin Hawrami, the KDP’s foreign relations chief, told Al-Monitor.
Gharib Hassou, a PYD representative in Iraqi Kurdistan, told Al-Monitor that the PYD wants the KDP to recognize their administrations, and not to revive the 2012 Erbil agreement between the PYD and KDP-backed Syrian Kurdish parties.
“We want the KRG to address the canton administrations, and hold negotiations with them, but the KDP has not taken such a position, and just addresses other [KDP-backed] parties as their interlocutors, not the administrations. These administrations are a government, not small parties. This does not benefit the Kurdish people,” Hassou said, adding, “Unfortunately the border agreement is not an agreement between the KRG and the canton administration, just between the administrations of the border gate on both sides.”
While the ISIS offensive has rekindled sentiments of Kurdish unity on the surface, divisions remain deep. With Barzani’s current control over most of the Iraqi border with PYD-held areas in Syria, and Turkey’s control of the other border crossings, it seems Barzani has gained the upper hand in his struggle with the PKK.
Growing Number of Western Politicians Back Kurdish Independence from Iraq
By Deniz Serinci
Several MPs in the European Parliament support self-determination for Iraqi Kurds.
COPENHAGEN, Denmark - An increasing number of Western politicians support the Kurdistan Regional Government’s deployment of Peshmerga territories in Kirkuk outside its official borders, saying it is time to recognize Kurdish aspirations of independence as Iraq falls apart.
After the Iraqi army beat a retreat before an onslaught by insurgents led by the extremist Sunni Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) last week, the KRG moved Peshmerga forces into Kurdish-populated territories left abandoned by the military, including the key oil-city of Kirkuk.
The rebels have captured several key cities, and are locked in fighting with Iraqi forces as they close in on Baghdad.
Andrej Hunko, an MP from the German Left Party, told Rudaw the regions mainly populated by Kurds in Iraq should get Western support for far-reaching autonomy rights.
“It is understandable that the Kurdish government is defending territories against ISIS to protect the lives of the population and its right to autonomy,” he said.
Nikolaj Villumsen, a Danish MP and member of the European Council, supports the idea of Kurdish independence, and does not believe that neighboring countries have any right to interfere.
"For decades, Turkey and Iran suppressed their own Kurds, so they have no veto-right against the Iraqi Kurds’ decisions," he told Rudaw, urging the authorities to find a long-lasting and democratic solution in Kirkuk that includes all ethnic groups.
Kurdo Baksi, a Green Party politician in Sweden who was elected as an alternate to the European Parliament last month, said that Kurds should not have to pay the price of Iraqi instability.
“The Shiites and Sunnis will have a long war, and Kurds should not pay the price,” he said. “The best solution for Iraq is that the country splits in three states, Sunnistan, Shiastan and Kurdistan.”
Jim Karygiannis, a former Canadian MP and now executive director of G20 Human Rights which focuses on ethnic communities and religious minorities, has started a petition on its website in support of independence for Iraq’s estimated 5 million Kurds.
“Iraq is falling apart and it is time that the West recognizes Kurdistan as an independent country,” Karygiannis told Rudaw.
Dutch MP Tiny Knox, who is also a member of the Council of Europe, believes it is up to the citizens of Iraq, Kurds included, to decide upon the future of their country.
“But Kurds should act according to international and national rule of law and make no unilateral decisions regarding Kirkuk,” he cautioned.
Holger K. Nielsen, an MP in Denmark and until last year the foreign minister, said that Kurds should be supported as an important secular group in the Middle East.
"I have no doubt that it will lead to an independent state, but it is important not to hurry up the process. There should be an international understanding and recognition of a Kurdish state," he advised.
According to an MP of the Swedish Liberal Party, Fredrik Malm, the West should support Iraqi Kurds to survive as a secular state in an unstable Middle East.
“If Iraq risks falling apart and is drawn into a new long war, the Kurds can of course review their options, and I hope there will be an international acceptance for their decision,” he told Rudaw.
Jeppe Kofod, Danish member of the European Parliament, cautioned for the Kurds to tread carefully toward independence.
“A unilateral declaration of independence from the Kurdish side can prepare the ground for future conflicts in the region, since such a statement is unlikely to be recognized by the Iraqi government or surrounding countries,” he told Rudaw.
Aliza Marcus, an American expert and author of several books on the Kurds, said that Iraq’s Kurds are unlikely to declare independence now, because the ISIS takeover does not change the political calculation.
“If Kurds were to declare independence now, they would be accused of being disloyal and taking advantage of the ISIS catastrophe to benefit themselves. That would not win the Kurds any new friends or support in the region,” she said.
Marcus also cautioned that the Kurds would not receive any support in the region if they declare independence.
“Syria is a mess, Iran itself is a pariah state and Turkey isn’t in favor of an independent Kurdish state,” she noted. “Therefore, right now, the KRG doesn’t need to declare independence. It has what it needs to protect its interests and protect Kurdish citizens of the KRG.”
President Barzani Condemns Shiite Incitement Against Kurds
President Barzani Condemns Shiite Incitement Against Kurds
Many members of Shiite militias in Baghdad have responded to the call to take up arms.
ERBIL, Kurdistan Region – Kurdistan Region President Massoud Barzani’s office condemned allegations by Shiite militia leaders who accuse the Kurds of involvement in the current crisis in Iraq, saying those making such statements would be responsible for any consequences.
“We expect the Shiite clerical authorities and political parties in Baghdad and southern Iraq to play their part and not let these voices become a threat and cause of turmoil in Iraq,” said a statement by Barzani’s office on Thursday.
It referred to recent speeches by Iraqi militia leaders, mainly in Najaf and other Shiite areas, who have vowed to fight the Kurds alongside the Sunni militants who have swept across Iraq.
Fighting continued in several parts of Iraq Friday between government forces and rebels led by the extremist Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS). However, the militants’ advance against Baghdad has reportedly slowed.
Barzani’s statement condemned speeches by Qais al-Khazaali, leader of the Asaid Ahl al-Haq militia, as “hateful and chauvinistic against Kurds living in Baghdad and other Iraqi cities.”
Last week Iraq’s Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki and the country’s highest Shiite authority, Ayatollah Ali Sistani, called on Iraq’s Shiites to take up arms and save the country from the ISIS, which has captured several key Sunni cities and has vowed to march on Baghdad.
Asaid Ahl al-haq was the first to respond to this call, their members taking to the streets in large numbers, waving guns and vowing jihad against the ISIS.
“He (al-Khazaali) has also incited members of his group to go and threaten Kurds in those areas and broadcasted their threats in the media,” read Barzani’s statement.
The same militia was also active against US troops in Iraq and fought battles in Baghdad, Sadr City and Basra.
Some Kurdish drivers in Diyala province complained last week that they were harassed at checkpoints manned by members of the Shiite militia group.
Referring to al-Khazaali, Barzani’s statement warned that he “cannot frighten the Kurds, and we say it clearly that he will be held responsible for any untoward incident.”
Kurdish authorities have so far refused to join the war between the Sunni militants and government troops. Kurdish Peshmerga forces are stationed along the southern borders of their autonomous region to stop the spillover of the war.
In the meantime, Kurdish leaders have called on the Iraqi government to protect Kurds living in Baghdad and other cities under the central government.
The Iraqi capital was until 10 years ago home to one million Kurds, mainly Failis. Many left during the sectarian war several years ago, but tens of thousands still live in Baghdad.
“How could a group threaten people in Baghdad and in broad daylight?” said the statement published on the website of the president’s office.
Jordanians in the Gulf expatriates remit money to Jordan for fear of events in Iraq
Jordanians in the Gulf expatriates remit money to Jordan for fear of events in Iraq
| Arab Jordan (Friday) 20/6/2014 AD
The head of the Jordanian Society of cashiers, Alaa Deiranieh, on Thursday, said that the remittances of Jordanians working in the Gulf countries have seen a substantial rise in nearly a week, unlike what is usual.Deiranieh attributed this increase to the concerns of Jordanians working abroad from the prevailing conditions in the region, especially the developments in Iraq, prompting them to shift their savings from the countries in which they operate to Jordan, in anticipation of the expansion of the scope of the events as if affects other countries.He pointed out that remittances to home and belonging to the Jordanian expatriates, increased by 5% to 7% since the beginning of the deterioration of the situation in Iraq and military confrontations between the Iraqi army and insurgents in northern Iraq.He continued, 'This is a very significant increase.May be unprecedented. 'The central bank said yesterday that remittances from Jordanians working abroad increased during the first third of this year by 3.8 per cent to 1.17 billion dollars, compared to the same period last year. http://translate.googleusercontent.com/translate_c?depth=1&hl=en&rurl=translate.google.com&sandbox=0&sl=ar&tl=en&u=http://www.faceiraq.com/inews.php%3Fid%3D2820643&usg=ALkJrhhtiAZ8161IrrmGbqizqzUOEr9Nqg
This is what was agreed upon Barzaini and Najafi 09:13 20/06/2014 Search the President of Kurdistan, Massoud Barzani, president of a coalition united with Osama Najafi developments in security and political situation in Iraq. A statement by the presidency of the region that "Barzani during a meeting with a delegation of Najafi and are united in the resort of Salahuddin stressed the need to distinguish between acts of terrorism and the legitimate demands of the brothers of the year." The statement added that "the meeting saw a discussion about the security and political situation, and the big crisis that pervades Iraq, as well as the deteriorating security situation in the western regions of Iraq." "The views of the two sides were identical regarding the necessity of solving all the problems that plagued Iraq over the policy, and to cooperate all the blocks in order to cope with terrorism." He said Barzani, according to the statement that "the Kurdistan region willing to stand with the brothers the Sunnis and Shiites in the face of terrorists," adding, "but we will not be party to a war under the pretext of the war against terrorism while are sectarian." Barzani said that "this crisis will not be solved militarily, but also must know the causes, treatment and alter the course of the political process." The statement pointed out that "the meeting also discussed the obstacles that stand in the way of the political process, and the next session of the House of Representatives, has been to emphasize the continuation of dialogue and relations in order to reach a common understanding of the formula." http://translate.googleusercontent.com/translate_c?depth=1&hl=en&rurl=translate.google.com&sandbox=0&sl=ar&tl=en&u=http://www.faceiraq.com/inews.php%3Fid%3D2820794&usg=ALkJrhjykt2ucUK-ZP2L1Clos5cCwNxwfw
Sadr calls for a government without al-Maliki 09:41 20/06/2014 Counting the son of the founder of the Islamic Dawa Party, on Thursday, what is happening in Iraq is the result of 'natural wrong policies' pursued by the organizers of the judgment, suggesting 'package treatment' to the current crisis include, among other things, the formation of a government of national unity, with the exclusion of those directly responsible for the first of them Prime Minister expired, Nuri al-Maliki, and the distinction between the 'enemies of the homeland' of Daash and Saddam, and the holders of political demands brought by Sunni component, and ask the United Nations and the religious authorities and the Iraqi tribes to have them 'the role of the shepherd' for the process of national dialogue. Jafar said Mohammad Baqir al-Sadr, in a statement that 'Iraq is passing through a difficult phase of the day in its history, which imposes on everyone's responsibility to advise towards the nation, and everyone accepts to tell the truth though bitter and work on the basis of a truce or without equivocation'.
President Barzani: ready to stand with the Sunnis and the Shiites to fight terrorism
President Barzani: ready to stand with the Sunnis and the Shiites to fight terrorism
Barzani and Najafi
Search Kurdistan Region President Massoud Barzani in the resort of Salahuddin with House Speaker Osama Najafi Thursday, security and political situation, and the big crisis that pervades Iraq, as well as the deteriorating security situation in areas of western Iraq.
The views of the two sides are identical regarding the necessity of solving all the problems that plagued Iraq over the policy, and to cooperate with all parties in order to combat terrorism.
The head of the Kurdistan region during the meeting, the need to distinguish between acts of terrorism and the liabilities legitimate brothers of the year, and that the Kurdistan region willing to stand with the brothers the Sunnis and Shiites in the face of the terrorists, but we will not be party to a war under the pretext of the war against terrorism while is sectarian.
The head of the Kurdistan region as well that this crisis will not be solved militarily, but also must know the causes, treatment and alter the course of the political process.
Maysan Oil Company denies the withdrawal of employees of foreign oil companies operat
Maysan Oil Company denies the withdrawal of employees of foreign oil companies operating in the fields due to the security situation
Tomorrow's Press / Maysan: Maysan Oil Company denied what some of the media about the existence of the withdrawal of the case by the employees of foreign oil companies operating in the Maysan fields due to the situation taking place in the country.
The general director of Maysan Oil Company Ali Qubool Bahadli for "tomorrow's Press," said that "this news completely untrue and that the cadres of oil in foreign companies operating normally and did not get any case withdrawal," saying, "This false news is part of the psychological warfare It is used by terrorism during the bile ducts, which are lined with honking excommunicating Daash terrorism. "
He warned the Director of Missan Oil Company "satellite broadcast false news aimed at disturbing public opinion and damage the morale of Iraqis who are fighting a holy war against terrorism, vowing to sue the channels that support terrorism," Tomorrow's Press / Maysan: denied Sherkat Maysan Oil what some of the media about the existence of a state's withdrawal from by employees of foreign oil companies operating in the Maysan fields due to the situation taking place in the country ..
Which are built by two Chinese CNOOC Petrojayna and development operations in the key fields in Maysan, according to the contracts awarded by the licensing rounds to increase production of crude oil to one million barrels per day.
Turkey: Central Bank is able to support the dinar and no fear of collapse
sczin11- Again, Repeated news for 3rd day in a row- IS TURKI or the media trying to stress a point?
Turkey: Central Bank is able to support the dinar and no fear of collapse
BAGHDAD - Iraq Press - June 20: Economists indicates that "the demand of the Iraqi citizen to store foreign currency will be temporary, arguing that" the Iraqi economy because the governor to balance the dinar per covered 1.3% of the dollar. "
To that, the governor of the Iraqi Central Bank and the Agency Abdel Basset Turki, said that "the task of the Iraqi Central Bank, according to the law is to keep the dinar stable against other currencies," noting that "the bank's management has examined the course of the security situation experienced by the country and its impacts on the financial situation in the country ".
The Turkish that "what exists of a reserve of hard currency to the Central Bank will be capable of controlling the exchange rate of the dinar against the dollar," he said, adding that "cash reserves in support of the Iraqi dinar is 70 billion dollars and that the central bank is able to support the exchange rate of the dinar, which currently stands at 1200 dinars to the dollar, so there is no fear on the dinar at the moment.