"The Dinar Daily ", Monday, 12 May 2014
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  1. #1

    "The Dinar Daily ", Monday, 12 May 2014

    It is EVICT MALIKI DAY + Twelve (12) or " E - M DAY +12 ".

    The countdown to election day is over. Will Maliki be evicted ? The coming days will be telling. First, we await the tabulation of votes, challenges and appeals must run their course, and then we should have a certification of the results and know which cluster received a plurality of the vote. News articles report that the foregoing will take about three (3) weeks and after May 25.


    " After the conclusion of national elections, the Iraqi constitution stipulates that the CoR ( Council of Representatives / Parliament ) will vote for senior positions in the Iraqi government, including the President, the Prime Minister and his deputies, and the cabinet. Although each CoR ( Council of Representatives / Parliament ) member contributes an individual vote, in practice this voting occurs only after an agreement has been reached among the senior leaders of the political groups, invoking party loyalty and voting discipline thereafter. The selection of the cabinet requires an absolute majority of the CoR ( Council of Representatives / Parliament ) members’ votes (165 votes). In the final negotiations over government formation, even small groups can play a decisive role if they are able to provide the last few votes a governing coalition needs to clear this constitutional hurdle. "


    Following the last election the new parliament opened on 14 June 2010 after the election on March 7th. Iraq set a record for the longest period of time without a government which lasted for about ten (10) months.


  2. #2

    58789 Currency Auctions

    Currency Auctions

    Announcement No. (2670)

    The latest daily currency auction was held in the Central Bank of Iraq on the 12-5-2014 results were as follows:

    Details Notes
    Number of banks 19
    Auction price selling dinar / US$ 1166
    Auction price buying dinar / US$ -----
    Amount sold at auction price (US$) 307,949,000
    Amount purchased at Auction price (US$) -----
    Total offers for buying (US$) 307,949,000
    Total offers for selling (US$) -----

    Exchange rates * ( 1,222 Market Rate )

    http://www.cbi.iq/index.php?pid=CurrencyAuctions and


  3. #3

    58792 Anbar Leaders Meet in Erbil to Seek Solution for Embattled Province

    Anbar Leaders Meet in Erbil to Seek Solution for Embattled Province

    By Omar al-Mansuri

    A meeting of tribal Sunni leaders in Fallujah to condemn military operations on their city. Photo: Omar al-Mansuri ERBIL, Kurdistan Region - Tribal and political Sunni leaders from Anbar gathered in Erbil last week for a conference to discuss their future in Iraq and find a way out of what they called “a major crisis in Anbar” in the wake of recent parliamentary elections.

    “We organized a meeting of leaders in Erbil, because we are at a crossroads with the government of Nuri al-Maliki, who was unable to serve the people but only offers corruption and abuse,” said Khalid Mohammed Obaid al-Alwani, a member of the Coalition of the United from Anbar. He added that, apart from military attacks against the people of Anbar by the Iraqi forces and the ensuing conflict, the entire region is now facing a new disaster: A flooding of the Euphrates River, which is destroying homes and farms. “Not only did Maliki not find a solution to the crisis, on the contrary he has flooded and sank entire cities such as Abu Ghraib. There is nothing good about this government,” Alwani told Rudaw. “Through these meetings, we are seeking to find a quick solution.” Alwani said that people in Anbar have lost all hope in reaching a political settlement with the government in Baghdad, which he accused of being “bent on destroying Anbar province.” “He (Maliki) does not have a vision to help people. He rather bombs Fallujah with explosive barrels, shelling and causes the displacement of thousands of families,” he added.

    The Sunni leaders chose Erbil, the capital of the autonomous Kurdistan Region, for their gathering due to the deteriorating situation in Anbar and concern for the safety of the leaders. Despite their grievances and distrust of Iraq’s Shiite leaders, the country’s Sunnis joined last month’s elections with the hope of winning back strength in the Iraqi parliament and government. The aim of the Erbil meeting was to set a clear agenda for political blocs and other Sunni politicians who expect to enter the new Iraqi parliament. Jassim al-Halbushi, a contestant for the Anbar governorship who attended the Erbil meeting, said that all groups are trying to sort and choose their alliances before the final election results are announced by the Electoral Commission. According to Halbushi, the Sunni leaders had flocked to Erbil at the initiative of former Iraqi finance minister, Rafie al-Issawi, who now heads the United Bloc. “What is going on in Erbil is candidates from all sides who expect to secure seats in the next parliament are trying and hoping to draw plans for future alliances,” explained Halbushi. He maintained that the Sunni leaders have studied the turmoil of the past few years in their province, and are taking into account today’s political reality, in reaching any agreements with each other.

    Other Sunni leaders who have fled the violence in Anbar, and have settled in the Kurdistan Region as refugees, also attended the meetings of the Arab politicians. However, not all leaders appear to back the Erbil initiative. Sheikh Abdel Moneim al-Kubaisi, a member of the Council of Scholars of Fallujah, believes that most Sunni leaders are only after their own personal interests. “Politicians in Anbar are unfortunately looking for their personal interests only, and what is unfolding in Erbil has nothing to do with the Fallujah and Ramadi crisis,” Kubaisi told Rudaw. “They are looking to form political alliances after the elections.” Kubaisi said that the leaders of the Erbil meeting, among them Issawi, former parliamentary speaker Osama Nujaifi and leaders of the Islamic Party, “are trying to flatter Maliki in order to secure their former positions.”


    Courtesy - Chattels...

  4. #4

    58795 Iraqi elections will not be decisive

    An employee of the Independent High Electoral Commission checks the boxes containing the parliamentary elections ballots in Baghdad, May 9, 2014. (photo by REUTERS/Ahmed Saad)

    Iraqi elections will not be decisive

    During the months before the Iraqi elections that took place on April 30, there was growing talk within political and media circles that Iraq was heading toward “decisive elections.” Some politicians and intellectuals raised the level of their expectations and have gone as far as to say these elections are “a matter of life or death.”

    However, the reality was and still is different. In fact, the elections were nothing more than a link in a long chain of challenges, practices and changes that Iraqis have to go through on their way toward democracy.

    If we put the election results aside, since they are not expected to be announced before May 25, we can confidently say that this polling process was not different from the last one. There were no dramatic changes in the power balances. Moreover, the forces and figures that were at the forefront of the political landscape have not changed since 2006 and will likely stay the same for the next four years, even if some faces or balances might change here or there.

    What does this all mean? The common answer to this question today — according to comments and articles written by advocates of change, supporters of a civil state, defenders of public rights and activists — is that “everything is the same and nothing has changed!” Some argued that the elections are not the best solution for making changes within communities that still suffer from ignorance and division.

    This rhetoric is very dangerous, as it tries to get ahead of the historical context, unaware of the slow process of the peaceful security transition within societies. This is not to mention the misunderstanding of the nature of the democratic movement, which would push some to believe that democracy cannot bring about change.

    This camp looks at things from a narrow perspective, as it perceives elections as an opportunity to completely change the situation and surpass existing considerations. Some of them, especially those seeking to end the influence of religious parties, fail to understand the nature of these parties and their relationship with society. They also fail to understand that large segments of Iraqi society cannot rapidly change their convictions and affiliations.

    The truth of the matter is that if these elections were to make dramatic changes, overriding historical considerations, they would have been a disaster and would have lost their credibility, for they would have failed to reflect the inclinations of the people.

    In fact, change is happening, but it is not very obvious because it is happening slowly — in light of the circumstances — and is linked to economic, social and cultural developments, which in turn are reflected in political developments.

    The positive aspect of this kind of change is that it is natural. It is the product of interactions, challenges and obstacles that are experienced by communities during long transition periods. Thus, change should be interpreted away from the political biases of one party or another.

    One could say that Iraqi society has maintained its sectarian and ethnic divisions through elections but made some changes when it comes to political biases and affiliations. While some forces have gained ground, others have lost within the same group, but the general power balances remained the same for social components.

    The accusations made by some enraged intellectuals within Iraqi society, following the choices Iraqis made in the elections, are further proof that Iraq’s problem still lies in the cultural elites who have failed after a decade of change to produce a common understanding between them and the community. This group of intellectuals continued to be estranged from their society, pushing it toward taking huge steps that override democratic and natural development.

    It has become necessary today to state that Iraq needs time to bring about change and that the elections will not be decisive and will not serve as a huge democratic leap overcoming all obstacles and shortening the distance to true democracy. The age of nations is not measured by years. A certain amount of time needs to pass to establish genuine democratic practices, which would prevail over social and economic relations, cultural behavior and political performance.


  5. #5

    58796 Iraqi Shiite religious leaders divided on Maliki

    Iraq's Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki shows his ink-stained finger as he votes during parliamentary elections in Baghdad, April 30, 2014. (photo by REUTERS/Ahmed Jadallah)

    Iraqi Shiite religious leaders divided on Maliki

    The Iraqi newspaper Al-Alam published a report on May 6 in which it indicated that the statements of Ayatollah Bashir Najafi, who is one of the four prominent religious authorities in Najaf, was not an isolated event. In the details, Najafi had called on Iraqi voters to refrain from voting for Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki. The newspaper reported from a source close to the religious establishment in Najaf that the son of Najafi, Sheikh Ali al-Najafi, urged voters to support the Citizen Coalition led by Ammar al-Hakim during his visit to the south, with the elections just around the corner.

    Although the strong stance of Najafi against Maliki, only a few days before the elections, surprised many people, the political and religious circles were already aware of the tension between the two men that had been implicitly expressed in previous statements and insinuations.

    It seems that Najafi reproaches Maliki for not heeding the authorities' advice, including the advice of “replacing the school curricula to better reflect the Shiite perspective.” Najafi also thinks that Maliki has failed to address the security situation in Iraq. Although many expected Najafi’s call to have a negative effect on Maliki’s chances in the elections, the information that has been leaked so far about the results of the elections do not show that these statements brought any radical changes to the political balances. This is probably because they were not supported openly by the supreme religious authority, Ali al-Sistani, who maintained his stance of calling for the participation in the elections and “choosing the best candidate.” Sistani did not reveal any clear bias toward any of the competing forces. Moreover, Najafi does not have a huge number of followers in Iraq, and some of his statements were not convincing enough or seemed inconsistent.

    Despite this, a sort of tension between Maliki’s government and the Shiite religious institution in general can be felt. This was reflected in several of Sistani’s stances: Sistani boycotted a meeting with all governmental officials and sent out a call for change to the Iraqi voters. While the elections were getting closer, he also welcomed the leader of the Sadrist movement, Muqtada al-Sadr, who is known for his strong criticism of Maliki. Moreover, Sistani made a statement that implicitly denied Maliki’s allegation that the grand ayatollah holds him in high regard and shares with him the discontent with the rest of political class.

    A Shiite politician told Al-Monitor, on condition of anonymity, that Sistani thinks that the country’s problems would only be exacerbated if Maliki remained in power or is replaced by another leader from one of the main Shiite parties. Even if Maliki secures a third term, his adversaries will obstruct him. They will reluctantly accept his re-election, but they will try to move him aside or weaken him by whatever means.

    Meanwhile, Maliki will be wary of all the other parties that he strongly criticized during his electoral campaign. He even noted his wish during a TV interview with Al-Manar on April 20, that the entire political elite be changed for the state to be built on strong pillars.

    In contrast, finding an alternative figure based on a new partnership agreement will mean repeating the experience of the fragile government that is divided into fiefdoms of conflicting political parties.

    According to the same Shiite politician, the authorities want an independent figure from outside the traditional Shiite forces, one who enjoys the support of Shiites and a relative degree of autonomy to work away from the conflicting interests of the parties.

    Despite the reluctance of Sistani to intervene in the public political conflict, a number of factors lead one to believe that he will continue to play a role in the next phase. In fact, Sistani believes that he assumes a moral responsibility that requires he not let the conflicts worsen to the extent of the collapse of the political system or the disintegration of the country. Moreover, the growing power of the prime minister and affiliated forces may have made Shiite religious figures feel that they are gradually losing their leadership role in the Shiite community.

    For the first time in the history of modern Iraq, there is a government led by an Islamist Shiite figure who is more confident about his ability to have political and social influence through the state’s power and resources, without the need of Najaf’s protection, as happened in the first elections witnessed by the country in 2005, when forces such as the Islamic Dawa Party and the Islamic Supreme Council had limited constituencies.

    It could be argued that the recent parliamentary elections saw further separation between the “political Shiism” represented by Maliki's coalition and his allies on the one hand and the “religious Shiism” on the other.

    The rapprochement that took place between Hakim and Sadr (both belong to prominent religious families of Najaf that had a history of leadership rivalry), and then Najafi’s video supporting for the Citizen Coalition and his criticism of Maliki, suggest that the Shiite religious forces feel more threatened by the growing strength of the Shiite prime minister. The latter has built a nonreligious Shiite coalition and has successfully woven a network of wide pragmatic and interest-based alliances in the government bureaucracy, the military establishment and with some new businessmen.

    Such tension suggests that there is a split within the community between a state party, whose composition is similar to many ruling parties in developing nations and which command broad resources secured by oil revenues and used in political patronage, and traditional religious forces and families that feel their resources and ability to achieve social mobilization are both decreasing.

    Such division explains the religious leaders’ skeptical attitude toward Maliki, which may consequently result in stiff resistance to his continuation in power. This means that the intra-Shiite rivalries will largely decide the path that the country will take after the elections.


  6. #6

    58797 Iraqi voters shift from religious to 'political sectarianism'

    Employees of the Independent High Electoral Commission count ballots during Iraqi parliamentary elections in Erbil, capital of the autonomous Kurdistan Region of Iraq, about 350 kilometers (217 miles) north of Baghdad, April 30, 2014 (photo by REUTERS)

    Iraqi voters shift from religious to 'political sectarianism'

    Iraqi society, as a collective society or even just an electorate, is difficult to characterize. Iraqi voters seem not to be issue-driven. Instead, they have tended to follow the decisions of clerics, tribal leaders and political leaders since 2003, when more than three decades of Baath dictatorship ended. Iraqi society participated in elections on Jan. 30, 2005, for the first time in history. The Iraqis voted for an interim Iraqi parliament, without any precedent to guide them in their political participation as they redrew the political map of the country.

    The result was that the various entities in Iraq clung to their collective identities, leading to chauvinistic, sectarian and tribal divisions within the country. The Kurds and the Arabs voted for lists that represented their nationalism, and within each of those two main nationalist identities, the Shiites and Sunnis voted for candidates from their own sects. Within each sect, the tribal behavior of the Iraqi voter became apparent.

    The political elites noticed the trends among Iraqi voters, and politicians responded by donning nationalist, religious and tribal masks. Secular figures like Ahmed Chalabi raised the banner of the Shiite sect. Figures like Hassan al-Alawi, who has an Arabist and Baathist background, joined the list of the Sadrist movement in the last election. Islamic figures such as Hadi al-Amiri sometimes wore the garb of tribal leaders while they served as parliament members. The examples go on.

    The centers of power and influence have gradually become more numerous and varied since 2003. Religious leaders and tribal elders joined the new power centers, represented by different political parties. Religious authorities had the final say on the choices of Iraqi voters, while tribal elders imposed their political opinions on many of the tribes' members. Today, the parties have become large collective entities that compete with the traditional authority of tribes and religious institutions.

    The election on April 30 provided noteworthy examples. For the first time, one of the four religious references in Najaf, Sheikh Bashir al-Najafi, declared voting for a particular party (Maliki’s State of Law Coalition) haram. At the same time, he called on the voters to vote for another party, namely the Citizen Coalition.

    Observers expected this declaration by a religious reference to greatly affect the outcome of the vote, but the primary results showed that the first party (whom the religious reference called on voters to shun) won twice the number of votes as the second.

    This doesn’t mean that Iraqi society no longer listens to religious or tribal authorities, but it does suggest that the collective identities of Iraqi citizens have started to overlap. The voter’s behavior is affected by religious, sectarian and political motivations at the same time.

    All of this is happening in the absence of an individual awareness on the part of the Iraqi citizen. This means that the voter is deciding his or her political will through these collective identities, and not as an independent individual in the community who has his or her own individual vision.

    For that reason, political parties have taken on a tribal character, presenting themselves within a collective identity characterized by the attributes of the tribal entity. For example, political parties often have orators who are skilled at rousing their voters by using themes of solidarity and spurring the voters to defend their group against rivals from other political groups.

    Party leaders used cash and gifts to buy votes and expand their political influence. Political money helped expand the political influence of those forces and bought voters in indirect ways. In the last election in 2010, Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki gave tribal leaders handguns inscribed with the words: “A gift from the prime minister.” This is an old tribal custom. Tribal elders distribute gifts and special weapons to their counterparts or to lower-ranked leaders in their group. Former President Saddam Hussein had used the same practices to open the doors of friendship and loyalty.

    In a more shocking example, a video clip showed Judge Mahmoud al-Hassan, a candidate in the State of Law Coalition, distribute land to villagers before the elections on the orders of the prime minister, according to him, and ask them to vote for the State of Law list in return.

    These shifts in the behavior of Iraqi voters may have positive aspects in terms of the Iraqi political experience. However, at the same time, they may negatively impact the course of democracy in the country by emptying the democratic process of its substance and transforming it into a tool in the hands of religious leaders, tribal elders and politicians.


  7. #7

    58798 Liberal: Most of the political blocs to reject the third term of the owners

    Liberal: Most of the political blocs to reject the third term of the owners

    BAGHDAD - ((eighth day)) Likely leader for the Liberal bloc MP of quitting, on Monday, the formation of a broad spectrum of national and with other blocs to form a new government away from the granting of the third term of the owners.

    Zamili, that "Liberal bloc continues to hold meetings with all the political blocs in order to unite the visions for the formation of the next government and to discuss the post of prime minister," stressing that "many of the political parties reject the third term for Nouri al-Maliki."

    And that "it is possible that there will be alliances with national or citizen, or even the rule of law and it is not ruled out," explaining that "All serious and seeks to resolve the post of prime minister."

    He said he was "not yet put any name of any political party for the post of prime minister and that is what is happening currently negotiating to form a large spectrum assigned to form a government, which will present the name of the next prime minister". (AA)


  8. #8

    58799 Citizen confirm the existence of the names of candidates for the post of PM

    Citizen confirm the existence of the names of candidates for the post of prime minister of mass

    BAGHDAD - ((eighth day)) Said the leader of the Bloc MP Aziz Ugaili citizen, on Monday, said his bloc has the names of candidates for the post of prime minister, but the bloc felt not disclosed, so as to not be the subject of controversy or criticism.

    Ugaili said in a press statement, that "the mass of the citizen has the names of candidates for the post of prime minister did not announce it at the present time."

    He added Ugaili that "no declaration of the names of candidates for the Council of Ministers at the present time due to two reasons: firstly waiting for consensus among the parties of the coalition and the second so that the names not be open to criticism, or the subject of controversy."

    He added that "all representatives of political entities attended a meeting of the National Alliance, which was held on Sunday to discuss the mechanics of strengthening the alliance to be an effective institution can provide a candidate for the post of prime minister," he said, adding that "the Liberals and the Bloc coalition of state law, led by Nuri al-Maliki were among attendance. "

    He pointed out that "the National Alliance after consensus will put the names of candidates for the post of prime minister and all the ingredients and after the agreement will be put to other political blocs such as the Kurdistan Alliance and the Iraqi leader may be that agreed". (AA)


  9. #9
    Join Date
    Dec 2013

    58801 Maliki sends invitations to the leaders of the political blocs to a meeting wit

    "Maliki sends invitations to the leaders of the political blocs to a meeting with them."

    12:15:12 / 05/2014

    Khandan - Ali Naji , a source of political beginning, from the Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki to send invitations to the heads of political blocs, including the Kurdistan to meet with them on the latest political developments and the election that has gripped Iraq recently. source said in a statement to "Khandan" that "al-Maliki sent invitations to the heads of the blocks political as well as political parties two days ago, via signed messages as Chairman of the Council of Ministers of Iraq, "noting that" invitations include a request for the meeting with them to discuss the political situation and the new election of the country. " the source continued that "the meeting as possible to be with each hand individually or collectively," He pointed out that "the Kurdish parties have reached this call also by some members of the Iraqi Council of Representatives."


  10. #10
    Join Date
    Dec 2013

    58802 Mass-Mutlaq: Army used internationally prohibited weapons against the people of

    Mass-Mutlaq: Army used internationally prohibited weapons against the people of Fallujah

    12:02:12 / 05/2014

    Khandan - Ali Naji accused Arab List, headed by Deputy Prime Minister of the Federal Saleh al-Mutlaq, the Iraqi army using "internationally prohibited weapons" Kalpramal explosive in the battle in Fallujah. said the MP for the list to meet and pink in a statement to "Khandan" that "the battle by the army In Fallujah, dubbed Label (settling accounts), and whether the filter with the people and the citizens or terrorists? ", adding that" this battle is against everybody, because they do not distinguish between terrorism and the citizens of Fallujah. " She pink that "the army is using internationally banned weapons including the explosive barrels that are Rmyaha of aircraft, which caused a lot of damage to the citizens of Fallujah residents and their homes. " and said that "what is happening in Anbar, comes within the scenario is intended to achieve the goals of political and electoral, and the people of the province a victim of this scenario."




    American magazine: 4 thousand dead in Fallujah since the beginning of the battles
    10: 52: 12/05/2014

    Khandan - Newsweek America, "The number of people killed since the beginning of the battles of Fallujah while Iraqi forces launched an attack on the (Daash) on the second of January last an estimated four thousand people, or the rate of a thousand a month." added the American Journal of the report of the correspondent war Genin Giovanni, "The researchers familiar with the situation there contend that between 20 to 30 percent of those killed were children." the magazine quoted a representative of Human Rights Watch in Baghdad Irene Aevers "The fighting in Fallujah led to a major humanitarian crisis," noting that the organization said in its report that the armed groups of militants to organize the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant, has launched attacks Keithley on civilians amount to crimes against humanity, and that the government forces are given at the same time these attacks excessive force caused them losses among civilians ".

    Evers noted that there is a "media blackout on what is happening in Anbar, and the hospitals in the province are the main source of information", saying that "a lot of people refuse to go for treatment in hospitals, fearing arrest, they are run by the Government army."


    Najafi and Chalabi discuss developments in the electoral process and the crisis in Anbar
    08:41:12 / 05/2014

    Khandan - met the president of a coalition united to repair Osama Najafi with Ahmed Chalabi, head of the Iraqi National Congress, attended by leaders from both sides. According to a statement issued by the Office of Najafi got "Khandan" a copy of it, he was "During the meeting, the review of the political situation and the developments of the electoral process and observations raised about its various aspects, also touched on the crisis of Anbar and its negative consequences, and failures to reach a political solution. " The statement said the two sides had agreed "to define the objectives and principles governing joint action next relates to these objectives aspects of security, political and economic order to achieve balance and fit of the judiciary and provide a decent life of the citizen. " It was emphasized "the importance of accelerating the timings in the presentation of the final election results and approval, and to convene a session of the new parliament and the election of presidencies without wasting time and negatively impact on the lives of the citizen who aspires to spin the wheel of life and progress," according to the statement. statement noted The two sides agreed "to continue coordination in accordance with the agreed targets."


    After direct and sort the results of elections in Anbar Baghdad
    08:52:12 / 05/2014

    Khandan - embarked on an office elections Baghdad in Rusafa and Karkh operations counting ballots public, private and displaced people who have been in Anbar province, the parliamentary elections of 2014. and Qalmder general elections office Karkh Maan Alheitawi newspaper "morning", said the cadres of office began on Sunday after and sort the results of the parliamentary elections 2014 Anbar province, the votes have been private and unqualified for the displaced, and expected to see the end of this week to complete all the results of the counting of each votes. continued Alheitawi that the office received 210 stations for your vote that took place in Anbar, where were the processes of settlement and the creation of packages, while the remaining voting process IDPs in the province, according to the envelopes conditional numbering 10001 circumstance where carried out the verification process electronic data voters according to the base of the register of voters and after the return process of counting and sorting within Angels elections office Karkh. , ​​and between that office handles all objectivity and impartiality with complaints and check all the observations raised by the blocks political. For his part, Director of Information Office of the elections Rusafa Hussein Ali al-Tai, the Angels office began on Sunday of counting ballots year in Anbar province, which was the thirtieth day of April, the presence of observers from local organizations, civil society, political entities and the media.

    Last edited by OOTW; 05-12-2014 at 06:31 PM.

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