57174 "evict maliki" countdown : 5 days to the election
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Thread: 57174 "evict maliki" countdown : 5 days to the election

  1. #1

    57174 "evict maliki" countdown : 5 days to the election


    NOTE: that the countdown notice has been amended to qualify the Election as "Scheduled " to give emphasis to the tenuous state of political / constitutional affairs in Iraq in recent days and specifically the mention in the news of a possible delay in the election due to the Anbar diaspora. Add to the foregoing the " threat" of the election occurring under martial law with Maliki as the chief executive officer.

  2. #2

    57175 Elections in Kirkuk: The Kurdish Fight for the Arab Vote

    Elections in Kirkuk: The Kurdish Fight for the Arab Vote
    By RUDAW

    "Kurdish candidates do not stand a chance among Arab voters who are determined to keep Kirkuk as an Iraqi city."

    KIRKUK, Kurdistan Region—In the run up to this month’s parliamentary and provincial elections, Kurdish parties in Kirkuk are reaching out to the city’s Arab and Turkmen population, recruiting them as candidates and printing multilingual campaign posters. Aso Mamand, head of the local bureau of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) believes that his list has already won the trust of all ethnic groups through public services. “The leader of the PUK list will win many votes from the Arab, Turkmen, and the Assyrian-Chaldean groups of Kirkuk due to the social services he brought to their neighborhoods,” Mamand told Rudaw.

    Najmaldin Karim, the current governor of Kirkuk and senior PUK member is the head of his parties list for the provincial elections. Observers believe that Kurdish parties are targeting Kirkuk’s ethnic groups because they failed to form a united list of their own. The Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and the PUK are the two major parties in Kirkuk. But despite running on a joint list in most previous Iraqi elections, they decided to run separately in the April 30 polls due to political disagreements. Both parties are now vying for Kirkuk’s more than 841,000 eligible voters.

    “Unfortunately we could not create one united Kurdish list of candidates,” says Mamand. “However, we are not going to base our expectations on the results of the 2010 elections and we do expect to win more seats this time around.” Meanwhile representatives of smaller parties in Kirkuk think that the KDP-PUK split aside, the two parties are likely to lose many voters due to their poor political record in the multiethnic province. “The PUK and the KDP have bored the people of Kirkuk with their election campaigns,” says Suad Ghazi, the Communist Party candidate for the Iraqi parliament. “They have monopolized six Kurdish seats among themselves and would not allow that number to increase if it is not in their own interest.”

    Winning the votes of non-Kurdish groups isn’t going to be easy. The Kurds have strong Arab groups to contend with, among them the Arabic Coalition of Muhammad al-Tamimi, Iraq’s current Minister of Education, who said recently that he has “allocated one billion Iraqi Dinars for the election campaign,” Al-Tamimi said that Kurdish candidates do not stand a chance among Arab voters who are determined to keep Kirkuk as an Iraqi city. “We will increase our votes though our slogans, especially when we tell the Arabs that Kirkuk is an Iraqi city,” he said. “This will ruin the dreams of those who claim that the Arab voters will vote for the non-Arabic lists.”

    Despite Kirkuk’s large Kurdish population the province’s Arab candidates present a formidable force. In 2010 they won more than 211,000, giving them six seats in parliament. “We will protect the unity in Kirkuk this time despite the various threats facing us, especially the lives of our candidates,” Abd al-Rahman Murshid al-Assi, leader of the Arab Front in Kirkuk told Rudaw. Al-Assi said that so far there have been four assassination attempts against Arab candidates in Kirkuk.

    According to Arshad Salihi, the leader of the Turkmen Front, Turkmen voters are more vulnerable to the Kurdish campaign than their Arab neighbors. “The candidates of the Kurdish groups are visiting the Turkmen neighborhoods and promise to bring social services in return for their votes,” said Salihi. “We believe our votes are in danger this time.”

    Last edited by Mona Lisa; 04-25-2014 at 05:39 AM. Reason: http://www.dinarupdates.com/showthread.php?13644-The-Dinar-Daily-quot-Friday-25-April-2014&p=57175&viewfull=1#post57175

  3. #3

    57176 Maliki diversifies Iraqi electoral lists

    Maliki diversifies Iraqi electoral lists

    With less than a week to go before the April 30 Iraqi parliamentary elections, the Iraqi street has turned into a competitive market for political parties, each of which is trying to win the confidence of voters to obtain the biggest share of the pie.

    The competing parties have resorted to various methods to win votes. Some of these methods are unfair given the absence of clear rules organizing the elections and campaigns.

    Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki smartly tricked the groups that have been critical of him. He diversified the electoral lists supporting him, so as to create a seemingly competitive electoral atmosphere and obtain the largest share of votes from supporters and opponents alike. Following the announcement of the results, these lists will form the largest coalition qualified to form a government, according to the provisions of the Iraqi Constitution.

    Maliki adopted the same method in previous elections on a smaller scale. Different Shiite entities were formed after the 2010 elections to defeat the Iraqiya List, which received the largest number of votes. There is still constitutional ambiguity regarding the legitimacy of this method. The question arises: Which is eligible to form a government—the coalition with the most votes or the coalition formed after the completion of the elections? Previous elections have made the second scenario an acceptable tradition.

    The following groups have participated in Maliki's State of Law Coalition: the Islamic Dawa Party; the Badr organization, which is associated with the Iranian Quds Force and led by current Minister of Transportation Hadi al-Amiri; and the Independent Bloc, led by Deputy Prime Minister for Energy Hussain al-Shahristani. The coalition includes well-known MPs and political figures, including former National Security Adviser Mowaffak al-Rubaie.

    New blocs have emerged, raising photos of Maliki alongside photos of their candidates, such as the Movement for a Fair State, led by former Tourism Minister Qahtan al-Jubouri, and the Gathering of Comprehensive Renaissance, led by Fadel al-Bahadli.

    Add to this the numerous electoral blocs that stood by Maliki's policies throughout his eight years in office, most notably the Sadiqoon bloc, affiliated with Asaib Ahl al-Haq, which is loyal to Iran. This bloc was a militia before becoming a political entity led by Sheikh Qais al-Khazali, who split from the Sadrists.

    The National Reform Movement, led by former Prime Minister Ibrahim al-Jaafari, is part of the Dawa Party, of which Maliki is a member. The party took part in the National Iraqi Alliance during the last elections in 2010, knowing that the alliance comprises the majority of Shiite parties. Other political parties split symbolically from the Dawa Party but still shared general politics and agendas.

    New independent entities led by pro-State of Law Coalition political figures also emerged with new names, including: the Gathering of Competencies and People, led by current MP for the State of Law Coalition Haitham al-Jabouri; and the White Bloc, led by pro-Maliki MP Jamal al-Batikh.

    Other coalitions moved away from the State of Law to form alliances with other entities in case the coalition loses. Yet, the policies of these emerging entities are similar to the State of Law's, and their leaders have allied with Maliki over the past eight years. These entities include the Islamic Virtue Party, which brokered the controversial Jaafari personal status law, and the Iraqi Loyalty Coalition, led by current MP and former member of the Dawa Party Izzat al-Shahbandar.

    Other entities have economic interests with the State of Law Coalition, particularly the Iraq Coalition led by businessman Fadel al-Dabbas. Dabbas owns the United Bank of Investment in Iraq, which brokered the deal for sonar explosive-detection devices, which British authorities later revealed to be dummy devices. Dabbas bought these devices for the Iraqi government from a fraudulent British trader for tens of millions of dollars. This deal was carried out during the State of Law's rule.

    Maliki has also preserved his historical relationships with Sunni parties, like the al-Arabiya List of Deputy Prime Minister Saleh al-Mutlaq. Ten political entities further announced their affiliation with the State of Law coalition.

    MP Haidar al-Mulla revealed that these Sunni entities were formed through direct financial and organizational support from Maliki. These lists comprise “some reputable figures who do not know about the corrupt financial sources of these entities,” according to Mulla.

    Ultimately, Maliki’s election plan hinges on the votes he directly wins; the entities affiliated with him could just as quickly change their inclinations if one of Maliki's rival coalitions wins.

    Last edited by chattels; 04-25-2014 at 05:01 AM.

  4. #4

    57177 Maliki’s State of Law Coalition wants majority government

    Maliki’s State of Law Coalition wants majority government

    The State of Law Coalition, headed by Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki, is mobilizing behind the goal of forming a "governing majority" as an alternative to the current "partnership" government, which is the clear product of a power-sharing arrangement.

    Indeed, Maliki has begun describing his government, first formed in 2010, as a power-sharing government, blaming it for the political, security and economic failures afflicting Iraq.

    Kamal Saadi, a leader in the State of Law Coalition, has stoked fears over the future with his remarks on April 21 that his party's failure to move toward a governing majority in the coming stage would spell political suicide.

    Even though the formation of the next government, according to Article 76 of the Iraqi Constitution, simply requires an absolute majority of parliamentary representatives (165 votes out of 328), an effort by the State of Law Coalition to unilaterally form a majority government would be fraught with complexity. To be elected, the president must secure the votes of two-thirds of the parliament (217 votes), according to Article 70 of the Constitution, while the speaker of the parliament and his two deputies would require an absolute majority (163 votes), according to Article 55 of the Constitution.

    This arrangement of voting requirements was imposed in past years as part of an effort to rally two-thirds of parliament's lawmakers to support a political bargain which encompassed the positions of president, prime minister and speaker of parliament simultaneously. In practical terms, this reform necessitated the cooperation of all political forces in the government.

    In practice, Article 70 provided a legal outlet for the political bottleneck created by the requirements of electing a candidate to the presidency. That outlet can be found in Clause II of the same article, which states: "If none of the candidates receive the required majority vote, then the two candidates who received the highest number of votes shall compete and the one who receives the majority of votes in the second election shall be declared president.”

    Thus, the only possible way to realize the State of Law's proposals for forming a majority government would be to jettison the two-thirds requirement.

    But there are other factors that come to bear on the mechanisms of forming a new government. Most saliently, every Iraqi government must obtain at least 165 seats in parliament to win legitimacy.

    The Iraqi electoral reality will simply not allow any political party to win that many seats, unless it forms a coalition with several other forces.

    As for Maliki's State of Law bloc, according to most estimates, it will have difficulty winning more than 80 seats in the current election. Gaining an additional 85 seats will require forging alliances with several parties amid the complex map of Iraqi partisan politics.

    The problem that confronts every Iraqi government can be formulated as follows: It must be representative of the country's three main constituencies (Shiite, Sunni and Kurdish) even as all three live in the shadow of bitter nationalist and sectarian divisions that have long since come to dominate the political landscape. As a consequence, forming a coalition of two of these constituencies (while consigning the third to the opposition) is impossible. Any attempt to do so would produce a government whose majority would be sectarian, not political. Moreover, it would threaten the country's unity and furnish new justifications for its partition.

    According to a State of Law coalition leader who spoke to Al-Monitor on condition of anonymity, the coalition is attempting to bring about a scenario where it can form an alliance that will include representatives from each of Iraq’s principal constituencies, regardless of the weight they carry. In addition to the State of Law Coalition, the potential alliance could include the Iraqiya Al-Arabiya bloc led by Saleh al-Mutlaq, which might win up to 30 seats, the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan led by President Jalal Talabani, which might win about 20 seats, and the Islamic Supreme Council of Iraq, a Shiite party that might win 30 seats. In addition, there are other smaller parties and independents, which might round out the numbers up to 85 seats. Fully aware that Maliki's coalition aspires to win 100 seats, the source said Maliki is capable of meeting that target, after which he will only need to secure around 65 additional seats to guarantee the election of a parliamentary speaker and prime minister of his choosing.

    The road map that Maliki's electoral coalition speaks of, and which requires its leader to win a third term as prime minister, would in turn guarantee the formation of an opposition along the following lines: It would include the Shiite Sadrist Movement, the Sunni Moutahidoun Coalition and the Kurdistan Democratic Party affiliated with President of the Kurdistan Region Massoud Barzani, in addition to other parties that might include the Al-Wataniya list headed by Iyad Allawi and the Civil Democratic Alliance made up of the Communist Party and a number of independent forces.

    This road map aspires to change the calculations of Iraq’s political alliances, and evolve beyond the realm of ethnic and sectarian alliances to the level of partisan interests.

    But even though this scenario is possible on paper, the calculations involved (and the electoral outcomes required) to overcome the hurdles standing in its way will prove exceedingly complex.

    In 2010, the Iraqi Supreme Court ruled that the "largest bloc" mentioned in Article 76 does not necessarily mean the party which wins the largest number of seats in the elections. Rather, it is the party that can be formed after the elections. This presented Maliki with the option of attracting outside support; by the same token, the same provision could banish the State of Law to the opposition, given the widespread political opposition to Maliki winning a third term in office.

    The formation of a government through the previous mechanisms will mean that Iraq will be headed toward a period of governments constantly changing in accordance with the balance of political forces and alignments. We might even see more than one prime minister in the space of a single year, parliament's dissolution or even the holding of early elections.

    More important than all this, the coalitions that will be talked about will be nothing more than another version of the political power sharing currently in effect. Such varied and fractious political forces and ideologies cannot be brought together without being made partners in government formation, as well as the division of ministries and offices. This phenomenon has been present in Iraqi governments since 2005.

    For all that, one cannot take an exclusively negative outlook on the State of Law's orientation. It broke the barrier to cross-sectarian alliances, which might have heavy importance in managing a more vibrant political process in Iraq in the coming period. Yet at the same time, it has not guaranteed the necessary political stability to confronting the security, economic and political challenges that have been menacing Iraq for years.


    *** I am usually very impressed with the quality of articles from al Monitor, but a glaring omission in the content and analysis of this writing is any mention of Hakim's Citizen Coalition , IMO, unless the author is grouping Hakim with the Shiite Sadrist Movement. ***
    Last edited by chattels; 04-25-2014 at 06:25 AM.

  5. #5

    57182 Political blocs to ally with Citizen Coalition after elections, say MP

    Political blocs to ally with Citizen Coalition after elections, say MP

    Baghdad (AIN) – MP, Jawad al-Bazoni, confirmed that scenario after the elections will be a compromise between the Citizen Coalition and other blocs that feel closer to the Coalition.

    He stated to All Iraq Agency "The Coalition will be the key side to the reach the compromise with the other blocs."

    "The Coalition will have a great chance in the elections and will play a vital role in forming the next cabinet," he concluded.


  6. #6

    57185 tlar commentary ~


    Iraq has a goal concerning its currency. Through the years it has been stated as returning the dinar to it former glory. In 2007 Iraq finally figured out that this was a real possibility. The brains of the Bush administration realized that if they could not get the oil because of liberal decent and protests here in the United states, that the US would control the currency. "No blood for oil" was opposition battle cry in the streets here. So a plan was born that did not include us being seen as the recipient f the oil. Our Treasury Department paid 80 million US to print and distribute their currency. We did an initial currency swap that some estimate to be 5 trillion or more. Bush announced that "this is a war that will pay for itself." Most of the monies we gave them came from accounts out of their own money. In other words they funded themselves with our main contribution being military costs. We did not take the oil, we took the currency which ultimately controls the country. All of this is truth and verifiable with the exception that the number of dinars our government holds is not required to be displayed on the Treasury Dept. website because they are not required to display exotic currencies held.

    We thought everything was well planned in advance after we won the war as pallet after pallet of $100 dollar bills and smaller US currency was sent to Iraq. Paul Bremmer was responsible for getting it dispersed as quickly as possible. In other words he had to quickly juice a dying country. We had decimated their infrastructure and their was no government in place so time was of the essence. Within the first couple of months the new dinar was printed and was sent in to replace the old Saddam dinar. The provisional authority also was responsible for dispersing the new dinar swapping for the Saddam dinar and destroying it. We flooded the country with USD and dinars which created this mess of corruption as there was so much cash being passed out that even lowly sergeants in the US army were tempted to steal. Theft was everywhere and people in a cash society took advantage every chance they could. The overall plan would have worked smoother and sooner but the Bush administration underestimated strength of the insurgency and they had not anticipated that it would last 2+ years. This set the timeline back at least that much. The original plan was to get Iraq going again, especially the oil industry, and then increase the value of the currency of which the US would be a major recipient. (That's the condensed version above.)

    Early on there was major problems surfacing in the plan as cracks started to show . China violated the largest oil contract by bringing in their own people which in the contract they were required to hire Iraqi's. Iraq blackballed China from future bidding due to the violation. China threatened to way lay the plan by dumping their dinars earned from oil while in country. Timothy Gietner went to China and a deal was made. The US put pressure on Iraq and Iraq relented to let them continue with bidding on future oil contracts. China is still a bidder today and is the largest contract producer of oil in Iraq. So far China is the winner in all this.

    Next came Syria. Syria felt they were being left out of this windfall and threatened to dump the dinars they had back into Iraq they had earned in the favored trade agreement signed with Maliki in Jan 2010. That too threatened the plan. Again Timothy Geitner and Hillary Clinton both showed up for one day in Syria, a known sponsor of terrorism supporting Hezbolla, and when they came away Syria was not only on board but they announced the very next day they were opening banks in Iraq. Timothy Gietner was the most traveled Secretary of Treasury ever, even meeting with known pyria states that we had no contact with to get this deal going in the right direction, as well as Hilary Clinton.

    Iraq has continued to use Turkey as an example of what they did with their currency. Turkey LOP'ed their currency. Iraq's plan, although ultimately it will look the same is different. Both see their nominal rate changed and both will have the zeros dropped from their currency. This has been a major concern for many dinarians. So what is the difference? The difference lies in the steps taken. Turkey dropped the zeros from the currency as its first step. This then affected the nominal value which made their existing currency so little in value, that it wasn't worth attempting to spend. That is a prime example of the LOP. Iraq will also drop the zeros as they have told us over and over. But they will first drop the zeros from the nominal value, which then affects the currency by making the current currency too expensive to use. The net result is a decrease in value for Turkey's currency and an increase in value for Iraq's currency. Iraq has said that they want to increase the purchasing power of the currency for the people. They have said that they want to delete the leading zeros. There are NO leading zeros on the currency. The only leading zeros are found on the nominal rate. A LOP is a neutral event. There is no increase in purchasing power. A positive move on the nominal value increases the currencies value, thereby increasing purchasing power. In fact most of the LOP's that have been done around the globe have experienced a decrease in purchasing power as a result of a temporary loss of confidence in the currency because they LOP'ed. Iraq want's to increase the purchasing power therefore they intend to drop the zeros from the nominal value first as they have stated in numerous articles over the years. The only way you can do this on an opening volley is to increase the value meaning the exchange rate.

    About the float. I agree with CG that this will not be a float. I have returned to being a proponent of RV since January of 2013 when articles started to surface once again using the phrase "delete the zeros." I think we can all agree that since 2007 there is multiple articles that support the original plan, which was to "delete the zeros." Also the strategic study done in 2008 suggests that the CBI drop the zeros and make there currency close to the dollar. There is many articles that appeared near the end of 2012 that stated Shabibi could not get government support for the plan, so he decided to "float the currency at 1166 and let the market decide". Shabibi was removed before he could release the currency and Turki was appointed by Maliki at the time. The IMF, WB and US Treasury all sent people immediately to camp out at the CBI as Turki arrived and I believe they explained, demonstrated and trained Turki during his first months as governor of the CBI. I believe this because Turki immediately showed an interest in protecting the reserves and reported to parliament in the first couple of months that he answered only to them, not Maliki. I believe Turki understood almost from the get go that Maliki was the enemy. The proof of this would have been easy to show Turki of all the monies stolen and transferred out of the country. The records were there at the CBI along with those who knew, the IMF, WB and US Treasury. Turki turned on Maliki by being independent, so Maliki accused him of theft, incompetence and he wanted to replace him with his yes man. Maliki has been unable to get rid Turki and as a result, Turki has grown into the job following the original plan IMO. That plan to me is the original plan once Turki realized what Shabibi was trying to accomplish. We have seen article after article that supports the view the original plan is back on.

    What would happen if they did float? CG made some good observations but I would like to pretend for a minute to be a visionary. If the currency started to float today, what would it look like in the first year. Yes it might go up but then it might be fighting itself and struggle to increase in any significant way. First the dinars instead of being bought and retired would start to be released again into Iraq and surrounding countries because it is now convertible. Trade in the new currency would be brisk because it was convertible. The government always strapped for funds would also start to use it to pay their balance of payments and to contractors, both oil and private. Iraq would definitely start to use the currency as now they are stuck using USD to pay for goods and services. So while we hope to see a meteoric rise in the value, dinars could be being dumped all over the globe. What or who would drive the price. As trillions in dinar were coming out of the CBI and the government of Iraq paying vendors, contractors and balance of payments, at 1166 Iraq would have the propensity to flood both its own market at home and the international markets. Dinars being released could easily retard value as we all understand the more of something that there is, the less it is worth. So I like CG think that the float theory died when Shabibi was removed.

    One more thing. Shabibi did not die with his removal. He is internationally respected and he knows Iraq and the CBI inside and out. It is my belief that he is consulting behind the scenes with both Turki and the CBI. The reason I believe this is because Turki came in having never run a bank. He needed all the help he could get. He has done a masterful job mostly making all the right moves. He and the IMF would do themselves a disservice not to have hired him as a silent consultant. Shabibi also knows the laws of Iraq and he knows Maliki intimately. He is too knowledgeable and experienced and just to damn good to be left out of this scenario. His name cannot surface as such because of the delicateness of the politics. I know I am right on this. If you read this all the way through and understand what I am saying, I admire your attention span. If you find fault with my grammar or spelling, it is because this is too long and boring for me to proof read and you're too picky.

    If you enjoyed what I wrote, it is most likely because __________ please fill in the blank. Tlar

    *** CAVEAT : NO INK / LINKS ***
    Last edited by Mona Lisa; 04-25-2014 at 07:38 PM. Reason: 57185

  7. #7

    57186 Sectarian Divisions Cast Long Shadow Over Iraqi Elections

    Sectarian Divisions Cast Long Shadow Over Iraqi Elections
    By Adel Fakhir

    A campaign poster in the city of Kerbala showing Iraqi Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki.

    BAGHDAD, Iraq – With Iraq reeling under surging sectarian violence and next week holding its first nationwide elections since US forces pulled out in 2011, citizens and analysts worry there is little hope for the country to recover.

    Political blocs, they say, are trying to capitalize on sectarian divisions to win votes.

    “The leaders of the main political groups are fighting among themselves,” complained Mohammed Salem, a 43-year-old resident of Baghdad. “The political besmirching means the upcoming election will not pull the country out of this sectarian abyss and the social ills that come with it. Each group is trying to win over its supporters according to their identity and religious affiliations.”

    The April 30 elections come at a time of surging violence for a year. Sectarian differences, unleashed after the 2003 US-led invasion that toppled Saddam Hussein, are spinning out of control.

    The Shiite-led government of Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki has alienated both of Iraq’s large minorities, the Sunnis and Kurds.

    Government troops are locked in fighting with Sunni tribes and insurgents in Anbar province, with fears the elections cannot be held in the cities of Fallujah and Ramadi because of the violence. That means that hundreds of thousands of Sunnis may not be able to vote, potentially adding to the Sunni anger against the government.

    The autonomous Kurds in the north, meanwhile, say they have no faith left in Maliki’s government, or indeed in Iraq itself. They have been threatening to turn the Kurdistan Region into a breakaway independent state over serious disputes with Baghdad over oil exports and their share of the national budget.

    “It’s been 10 years of conflicts, destruction, devastation and the loss of security -- all of it suffered by ordinary, helpless citizens,” decried Salwa Saeed, a 31-year-old employee. “And now, the candidates are counting on divisions to win votes, because they know that sectarian differences have taken root in the hearts and minds of a lot of citizens,” she explained. “We hope that people will make the right choice this time at the polls.”

    Analysts note that the security situation is as bad as the first post-Saddam elections in 2005, when suicide bombings and attacks by al-Qaeda insurgents meant a dismal turnout by voters.

    “We are suffering and are in crisis because no one is involved in state building,” said analyst Hussein Darwish al-Adli. “The ‘sectarian race’ that has been adopted by politicians will continue as long as the rhetoric of sectarianism is allowed to continue,” he said. “The state authorities are divided along sectarian and ethnic lines, so it is hard to call Iraq a state. This is an authority falsely pretending to be a state.”

    As the election date approaches, the campaign propaganda of the different political blocs is in full swing in all Iraqi provinces.

    Analysts and citizens complain that the different religious and ethnic groups fighting for a greater say in the Iraqi parliament are paying less heed every day to regulations set by election authorities regarding campaign propaganda and rhetoric.

    Meanwhile, they say, Iraqi citizens live in a state of resentment, frustration and lack of interest in the election campaigns. There are even fears that the polls may not be held on time, and that even if they are held there will be no dampening of the bloodshed.

    “Iraq is divided into three groups, the Kurds, Sunnis and Shiites,” explained Jawad al-Bazouni, an independent MP. “Thus, the Kurds will not elect a non-Kurd, the Sunnis will not vote for a Shiite and a Shiite will not be elected by a Sunni.”

    Bazouni noted there were differences not only among the three main groups, but also inside each one. “There are rivalries, and this is clearly noticeable,” he added.

    The election campaigns were launched in the beginning of April, and are due to end 48 hours before polls open. More than 9,000 candidates are competing for the 328 seats in the Iraqi parliament.


  8. #8

    57187 MP : flooding western areas of Baghdad, represents a series within a scheme to

    MP : flooding western areas of Baghdad, represents a series within a scheme to exclude citizens to participate in the elections.

    BAGHDAD / Nina /-- MP, Hamzah Algirtani for Mottahidoon coalition described swamping areas of west of Baghdad, as a series to achieve a malicious schema aiming to exclude the population of these regions from participate in the upcoming parliamentary elections.

    Algirtani said in a statement to the National Iraqi News Agency / Nina / : “ What is experienced by areas of west of Baghdad, by intentioned flooding by opening gates of dams rivers by government forces , is clearly come in detriment of citizens lives as well as and in a counterpart impacts would have caused dryly other areas, which is a blatant evidence of malicious intention to frustrate people of these regions and prevent them of participate in the forthcoming election .

    It is noteworthy to mention in this context that large areas in the west of Baghdad, exposed since several weeks to flooding caused by the closure of Fallujah Dam areas meanwhile open it on other areas .


  9. #9

    57188 Harb: Parliament not to manage endorsing Budget Law

    Harb: Parliament not to manage endorsing Budget Law

    Baghdad (AIN) –The Legal Expert, Tariq Harb, pointed out "The parliament will not be able to endorse the Budget Law because the remaining course of its term is short and due to the difficulty of sustaining the required quorum.

    He stated to AIN "Practically, parliament will not be able to hold a session with full quorum to conduct the second reading for the Budget Law draft without solving the disputes between the Central Government and the Kurdistani Regional Government."

    "Constituently, it is not possible for parliament to postpone the endorsement of Budget Law after the elections," he concluded.


    CHATTELS ~ *** " Constituently " ???????????? - SHOULD THIS " WORD " BE " CONSTITUTIONALLY " ??????????

  10. #10

    57198 Sistani calls on Iraqi voters to 'choose wisely'

    Iraqi men march behind a poster of Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani in Najaf, Feb. 26, 2006. (photo by QASSEM ZEIN/AFP/Getty Images)

    Sistani calls on Iraqi voters to 'choose wisely'

    Months ago, Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani began to guide the Iraqi public through statements regularly issued by him or his office, focusing on the need to fix the current situation. Sistani's guidance is going even further as the elections approach, by providing details and extended visions about the essential criteria that candidates must have to properly represent the Iraqi people, thus preparing them to be knowledgeable and insightful regarding the coming elections. On Feb. 24, Sistani issued a statement calling on voters to "choose wisely" so as not to have regrets later, and asked them to differentiate between the good and the bad.

    In his latest position, the official representative for Sistani, Sheikh Abdul Mahdi al-Karbalai, in a sermon on April 4 called for comprehensive change, which would be brought about by voters making the right decision in the coming elections. The Karbalai's sermon was published on Sistani’s official website, proving all mentioned details to be true. Karbalai criticized the way the country was governed on all levels, while violence has been plaguing Iraqi society and corruption infesting the Iraqi government, and citizens lack the basic necessities for a decent life.

    Karbalai affirmed that it is not Sistani’s role to introduce or support specific candidates. The decision is that of the Iraqi voters, who are to decide the fate of their country through taking part in the elections. At the same time, Sistani calls on Iraqi voters to study the pasts and qualifications of candidates, and refrain from electing whoever has failed in accomplishing their job or was involved in corruption cases. Karbalai reiterated that voters should not vote on the basis of religious and tribal affiliations.

    Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki visited Najaf — which Shiites consider a sacred place — on April 10 to launch his electoral campaign. Maliki addressed Shiites using a sectarian rhetoric to urge them to vote for him in the upcoming elections. Maliki said that he would want to form a majority government, without the participation of other political parties in the country. He asked to meet with Sistani, but the latter refused the invitation. Sistani’s office informed Maliki’s officials concerned with the visit that there was no chance to meet with Sistani.

    Previously, Maliki claimed that he was supported by Sistani and that the latter considers him to be a successful statesman. Sistani’s office, however, explicitly replied to Maliki's statements as follows: “This video, regardless of its inaccurate content, [highlights positions dating back] four years. Sistani refrained from hosting any official because he was not satisfied with their performance. He has stressed more than once that he does not support any candidate for the next elections, and no one should delude citizens into thinking that some candidates are closer to the religious leader than others.”

    Some Iraqi media outlets said that Maliki has received a letter from Sistani’s office through mediators warning him against running for a third mandate. Sheikh Bashir al-Nujaifi, one of the four clerics coordinating with Sistani, spoke against Maliki's third mandate, considering that Iraq will not rise if Maliki remained in office. He called on Iraqi voters to dismiss him through elections. Al-Monitor verified the authenticity of this statement with circles close to his office.

    What Iraqis are drawing off these stances is that Sistani has been highly dissatisfied with the performance of Maliki’s government throughout his rule, and that he is explicitly calling for a comprehensive change in the political sphere through the elections. What Sistani is doing is considered a tough stance, characterized by wisdom, as he is drawing the prospective lines of the Iraqi political system through orienting Iraqis into making the right decision in the elections and developing their general political performance without directly interfering. This is what distinguishes Sistani’s work from the concept of velayat-e faqih, and makes his project democratic and civil.


    BGG ~ This is a fairly serious blow to Maliki. Sistani is a major, major religious figure on the Shia side of the fence. If these votes swing to the Hakim/Sadr...Maliki could be in trouble.
    Last edited by Mona Lisa; 04-25-2014 at 07:33 PM. Reason: http://www.dinarupdates.com/showthread.php?13644-57174-quot-evict-maliki-quot-countdown-5-days-to-the-election&p=57198&viewfull=1#post57198

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