No Surprises in Early Results
For Iraqi Provincial Elections
By: Mushreq Abbas for Al-Monitor Iraq Pulse Posted on April 23.
The results of the local elections in Iraq, which took place on April 20, did not come as a surprise. Their initial results were within the range of expectations, even if they put forth new facts on the ground and revealed facts that will govern the relationship between the Iraqi parties in the months leading up to the general election in early 2014.
The results of the latest round of provincial elections in Iraq have failed to defy expectations, with the same political problems persisting, writes Mushreq Abbas.
The Winners and Losers in Iraqi elections
Author: Mushreq Abbas
Translated by: Sami-Joe Abboud
Categories :Originals Iraq
According to the preliminary results of the elections, the State of Law coalition, which is led by Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki and which includes various parties that won in nine Shiite cities in southern Iraq, as well as in Baghdad, while the Mutahidoun bloc, led by parliament Speaker Osama al-Nujaifi, won in the two Sunni cities of Diyala and Salahuddin. These cities were allowed to vote after the ballot was postponed in Nineveh and Mosul, in addition to Kirkuk.
The figures of the results show that the coalition of the young cleric Ammar al-Hakim has scored a big win in six Shiite cities, knowing that he achieved low rates in the 2009 elections. These numbers also show that cleric Muqtada al-Sadr's bloc remained at the same level and that the coalition of the secular politician Iyad Allawi and that of the Sunni politician who split from the Iraqiya List, Saleh al-Mutlaq, witnessed a decline.
But the success of Maliki’s bloc cannot be deemed as a political victory for him anyway, compared to the level of expectation that was set for the local elections, and the political project upon which he ran for the elections. This program provides for the achievement of a “major victory” in all Iraqi cities, so that he can rid the political game of those who, according to him, “obstruct his government work.” He certainly means the so-called Erbil-Najaf alliance, which includes Sunnis, Kurds, the Sadr movement and, to a further extent, the movement of Ammar al-Hakim.
Although he won the elections, Maliki is roughly 20 seats down from the number held by his coalition in the previous elections. Moreover, the results indicate that his Sunni ally, Saleh al-Mutlaq, who bet on his ability to bring down the hawks of the Iraqiya List, like Nujaifi, Ayad Allawi and Rafi al-Issawi (the former minister of finance) in the elections, will not be able to achieve any breakthrough in the Sunni arena in favor of Maliki, who speaks about a strong central state that fights against those who advocate a federal Iraq.
The other political map crafted by the election results, especially in the Shiite cities, is that the seats of the local governments were distributed not only among the major forces (Maliki, Hakim and Sadr), but also among independent movements, forces and figures. These were not found on the previous map and have managed to gain a considerable number of seats, each gaining a seat or two.
This last observation will impose new considerations on the main Shiite forces, as they might — for the first time in ten years — face alliances between unknown forces for the formation of local governments.
In a major city — in terms of data and results — such as Basra, Maliki's coalition will not be able to form a local government without resorting to a possibly great set of allies. Those allies, however, may succeed in forming an alliance that topples the Maliki coalition’s control over the city's government and that has been ongoing for four years.
Basra does not only derive its importance from the fact that it is a pivotal economic and oil hub in Iraq. In fact, the city's inclination to shift towards a federal province makes it one of the cities that constitute a source of concern for the government in Baghdad and for the forces defending the central system in government.
Thus, the local government in Baghdad, which is constitutionally not allowed to turn into a territory, will not have a significant impact on the future strategies of the forces, even if the results according to which Maliki won visualize the potential of the forces in the general election.
As for the two cities of Diyala and Salahaddin, their results put forth clearer indicators about the Sunni popular mood in general, which strongly opposes the policies of the Maliki government on the one hand, and openly or implicitly threatens to revive the "Sunni province" project. Those trends have been translated by the rise of the Mutahidoun list at the expense of other forces.
Mushreq Abbas is a contributing writer for Al-Monitor’s Iraq Pulse. An author and journalist who has worked in the media for 15 years, he holds a degree in political science from Baghdad University. Besides writing studies and articles that covered Iraqi crises and publishing in the local, regional and foreign media, Abbas has worked since 2003 in the Iraqi media sector and co-founded media companies. He also produced a number of documentaries for different media and has managed Al-Hayat’s office in Iraq since 2005.
By: Ali Abel Sadah for Al-Monitor Iraq Pulse Posted on April 23.
Iraqis have cast their ballots, selecting local council representatives in the 12 provinces, amid a severe political crisis and rivalry between representatives of political groups.
As most of Iraq’s provinces headed to the polls, low voter turnout, technical errors and some incidents of violence served as reminders of the issues still plaguing Iraqi society, writes Ali Abel Sadah.
Local Elections in Iraq... Average Turnout and Technical Errors
Author: Ali Abel Sadah
Translated by: Joelle El-Khoury
Categories :Originals Iraq
The Independent High Electoral Commission (IHEC) said that election turnout was 50%; however, local monitoring networks reported a smaller turnout that amounted to around 37%.
Al-Monitor asked Mekdad Sharifi, head of the IHEC’s board of commissioners, about the difference between the official voter turnout rates and civil organizations’ estimations. He noted, “The IHEC has accurate figures, based on the voting records. It does not depend on what the observers say.”
Ali al-Dujaili, secretary of the Tammuz Organization, a monitoring network, told Al-Monitor that the turnout in yesterday’s local elections — according to preliminary expectations and its observers’ reports — amounted to nearly 37% in all the provinces where the elections took place.
The elections were not held in the Kurdistan region, which includes three provinces, nor in Kirkuk, since its legal status has not been decided yet, according to Constitutional Article 140. They also did not take place in the provinces of Anbar and Mosul, following a decision issued by the government claiming that the security situation does not allow holding elections.
Serbst Mustafa, a Kurd who chairs the IHEC, said in a press conference attended by Al-Monitor the day following the elections: “Voter turnout in the general elections in Baghdad and Karkh reached 33%. The same turnout was also witnessed in Rusafa.”
Approximately 4,445,000 voters are eligible to choose Baghdad’s [provincial] council, which consists of 58 seats.
The turnout rate amounted to 61% in the Saladin province — the birthplace of late President Saddam Hussein — 51% in Diyala, 42% in Basra, 54% in Babylon, and 54% in Karbala. It reached 53% in Najaf, 58% in Diwaniyah, 50% in Dhi Qar, 44% in Maysan, and 59% in Muthanna.
Mustafa said in a press conference that “the overall turnout in the general elections will increase to 51%, after the participation of security personnel is added.”
More than 8,000 candidates competed for the provincial councils’ seats. While the IHEC talks about a turnout amounting to half of all eligible voters, it decided to close the polls at 5 p.m. on election day. This is the first time that they have closed at that time.
In previous election rounds, the IHEC was forced to extend voting hours, due to heavy voter turnout at the polling stations.
Observers believe that the state of despair and negative feelings among citizens led them to boycott the elections.
Regardless of the different turnout figures reported by the IHEC and civil organizations, at least half of the voters in all provinces did not cast their ballots. According to the IHEC, the total number of eligible voters is 13,800,000.
Local election experts said that security procedures were probably a decisive factor affecting the participation of the largest number of Iraqi voters. The Iraqi army imposed a curfew on vehicles.
At noon, as information on the weak turnout came in, the IHEC asked the army to lift the curfew. This took place in the province of Diwaniyah, where the turnout reached 58% by the end of the day.
Security incidents did not escalate to the extent of widespread bloody violence. Incidents of violence were limited to explosive devices in Babylon and Saladin, in addition to mortar and sound bombs.
In addition to controversial turnouts, there was another issue facing thousands of Iraqi voters in all provinces — particularly in Diyala, Baghdad, Karbala and Saladin. These voters did not find their names on the registers at the polling stations.
Iraqi observers said that the follow-up from within the polling stations showed that these registers include the names of deceased persons, while those who are alive did not find their names.
Muhannad Kanani, an international observer who heads the Iraqi Election Information Network (Ein), said that the IHEC wasn’t well-prepared for the election in the provinces. He pointed out that technical errors — such as voters' names being missing from registers — affect the results of the elections and present a challenge to good representation in the local councils.
Kanani, to whom Al-Monitor spoke, demanded that the IHEC address the missing names as soon as possible, and stressed the need to hire professional and honest personnel.
Errors in the electoral system usually appear, especially those related to voter registers, because it depends on the ration card [system], which is a formal paper distributed by the Ministry of Commerce for the disbursement of food. [This system] was introduced by the former regime, and has been subject to a lot of mistakes and changes, due to population growth.
Iraqi observers agree that the way to resolve the problem of voter registers is to start organizing a comprehensive census. This has not taken place in recent years, however, due to political differences over different groups’ ethnic representation.
Ali Abel Sadah is a Baghdad-based writer for both Iraqi and Arab media. He has been a managing editor for local newspapers, as well as a political and cultural reporter for over 10 years.
Dozens Killed in Iraqi Army Raid on Sunni Protesters
by RUDAW 7 hours ago
ERBIL, Kurdistan Region— At least 23 people were killed and over a hundred injured as Iraqi security forces stormed a Sunni-led sit-in in the town of Hawija, west of Kirkuk on Tuesday.
The Iraqi government said it will establish a fact-finding commission chaired by Sunni Deputy Prime Minister Saleh al-Mutlag to investigate the causes of the escalation.
Sunni politicians told the media that the protests were peaceful and they have blamed Iraqi Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki for the use of force.
“We condemn in the strongest words of condemnation and denunciation the unfortunate crime committed by the army against the demonstrators in Hawija,” said Iraqi Speaker of Parliament Osama al-Najafi in a statement.
In the past several months, residents of Iraq’s Sunni provinces have protested against neglect by the central government and they demand better public services and release of Sunni prisoners.
In retaliation to Tuesday’s incident, Sunni militants attacked and burnt two Iraqi army checkpoints near Mosul.
Iraqi troops backed by helicopter gunships later retook the checkpoints.
In a press conference in Erbil, Ahmed al-Dabash, a senior member of the Islamic Army in Iraq told the media that they will respond in kind to the deadly attack in Hawija.
“From now on, we will want the people of the area to stand up against attacks by the Iraqi army,” al-Dabash said.
Families have not been able to retrieve the bodies of the dead, al-Dabash added, and that a number of injured protesters have been detained by the army and taken away for interrogation.
Meanwhile, UN special envoy to Iraq, Martin Kobler has called for restraint in Hawija.
“I encourage the Iraqi security forces to exercise the utmost self-restraint in maintaining law and order and the demonstrators to continue to preserve the peaceful character of the demonstrations,” he said on Tuesday.
Prominent Sunni clerics in Iraq have declared holy war and obliged their followers to “defend protesters by all means necessary,”
“The peaceful demonstrations are over due to what happened today,” Saddoun al-Obaidi, a tribal leader in Hawija who was a leader of the protest movement told the New York Times. “Now we are going to carry weapons. We have all the weapons we need, and we are getting support from other provinces. This will not pass easily. Something bad will happen soon.”
Kurdistan President’s Chief of Staff Fuad Hussein said that President Massoud Barzani has urged all hospital and government institutions in the autonomous Region to “help the victims of Tuesday’s bloody incidents,”
The Iraqi government brands the Sunni protesters as terrorist groups trying to destabilize the country.
Fearing further escalation, the Iraqi army has deployed large numbers of troops in the Sunni areas.
The position of Kurdistan’s armed forces known as Peshmerga on the deadly clashes, is that of neutrality, said Jabar Yawar, chief of staff of the ministry of Peshmerga.
“Peshmerga forces were not involved in what happened between the Iraqi army and Sunni protesters in that area,” he said. “We also reject the news that Peshmerga forces have been put on alert.”
The Hawija Incident: Wider Ramifications in Iraqi Politics
by Reidar Visser
The recent dramatic images from Hawija of protestors under attack by Iraqi government forces are in itself nothing new in Iraqi politics. Populated mainly by Sunni Arabs and located close to both the disputed city of Kirkuk and the border between Iraq central government control and the Kurdistan Regional Government, Hawija has seen a level of violence that is significantly higher than the average in post-2003 Iraq. Some of the political violence has been mainly pro-Baath in nature, in other cases Sunni Islamic extremism has been at play, often with suspected ties to foreign radical groups.
What will determine the significance of the Hawija clash in Iraqi politics more broadly relates to its reception among Iraqi political factions outside the local area. And in this respect, early indications are not promising.
To some extent, it is unsurprising that Sunni and secular groups that have been critics of Maliki for a long period should rush to the defence of the Hawija protestors and complain about the actions of the Iraqi army. What is more critical, though, is that Sunni and secular groups that lately have been on talking terms with Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki are also deeply critical of the government's handling of the Hawija affair. This includes Sunni and secular ministers that had recently returned to the Iraqi cabinet despite the boycott by the mainline secular and Sunni-backed Iraqiyya movement - including Saleh al-Mutlak, the deputy premier, whose support for the annual budget played a role in enabling Maliki to pass it without Kurdish support.
Beyond this, even if Mutlak can perhaps be accused of wavering rather often when it comes to his relations to Maliki, the significance of the disputed areas of northern Iraq and the contest between the central government and the KRG has been one of the few issues where Maliki has been able to win some Sunni and secular friends during his two terms in office. By way of example, after parts of Iraqiyya opted to boycott parliament and cabinet following the arrest order for Vice President Tareq al-Hashemi in December 2011, it was mainly deputies from Kirkuk and other northern areas unhappy with the pro-Kurdish turn of Iraqiyya that defected and signalled their willingness to work with Maliki through breakaway factions like Free Iraqiyya and Wataniyun. Similarly, Arabs from the disputed areas have repeatedly played a certain role in helping Maliki defeat pro-federal tendencies in the northern governorates.
It will not be possible for Maliki to alienate both the Kurds and the Arabs of the disputed areas at one time. In a reflection of this dilemma, Maliki has reportedly rejected the resignation of the education minister from the Mutlak bloc, and is still weighing his options with regard to Kurdish ministers he had promised to replace by acting ministers in the case of prolonged absence from cabinet.
One interesting indicator of how this tug of war will play out relates to the provincial elections results of Diyala and Salahaddin, which have Sunni Arab majorities and significant Shiite and Kurdish minorities. Those results, expected later this week, will likely influence the extent to which factions like that of Mutlak will remain in protest mode.
Another significant process is the holding of delayed elections in Anbar and Nineveh. It emerged yesterday that there has in fact been considerable tension between the elections commission IHEC and the Iraqi cabinet on the issue: Whereas IHEC indicated 18 May as the latest possible date, the Iraqi cabinet decided that elections will be held on 4 July absent any radical improvement of the security environment at an earlier stage. The relevant legal framework gives cabinet the right to fix election dates on the recommendation from IHEC; to what extent this procedure has actually been followed now seems in doubt.
It is no more possible for Maliki to endlessly delay elections in Anbar and Nineveh than to pretend that the conflict n neighbouring Syria doesn't exist. Maybe the Hawija incident can serve as a reminder for Maliki about how radical winds from Syria can easily derail Iraqi politics, and how critical it is for him, now more than ever, to build bridges and create accommodation rather than to see confrontational politics of the Syrian kind gain hold in Iraq.
Reidar Visser | Wednesday, 24 April 2013 13:20 at 13:20 | Categories: Kirkuk and Disputed Territories | URL: http://wp.me/pBkdV-Yf
Currency Auctions Announcement No. (2363) The latest daily currency auction was held in the Central Bank of Iraq on the 24-Apr-2013. The results were as follows: Details Notes Number of banks 30 Auction price selling dinar / US$ 1166 Auction price buying dinar / US$ ----- Amount sold at auction price (US$) 147,240,000 Amount purchased at Auction price (US$) ----- Total offers for buying (US$) 147,240,000 Total offers for selling (US$) -----
Oil and energy parliamentary ruled out the approval of the draft law of oil and gas during the current legislative session
Posted: April 24, 2013 in Iraqi Dinar/Politics
Tags: Committee of Five, Iraq, Iraqi Kurdistan, iraqi list, Iraqi people, kurdistan, Minister of Natural Resources, Oil and gas law in the United States
Energy parliamentary rule out the adoption of the law of oil and gas during the current legislative session
24/04/2013 12:00 AM
Oil and energy parliamentary ruled out the approval of the draft law of oil and gas during the current legislative session, attributed the reason to withdraw the draft law by the Committee of Five mini, which was formed by the central government and the Kurdistan region.
It is scheduled to project quintet study committee of law and the agreement on resolving the contentious points that it contains, which represent the main obstacles between the center and the region, in order to get out a final formula for the first reading.
Committee member MP Awad al-Awadi said the “Center Brief for the Iraqi Media Network,” that “his committee sought to pass the draft law of oil and gas is that the differences between the central government and the Kurdistan region and previous agreements between them on the enactment of the oil and gas province and delay Government Act, all factors the Commission invited to submit a request to the Presidency to speed up the passage of the original government project and resolving differences, “
Al-Awadi noted that “the Commission settled a legal topic within all of its members voted to approve the bill sent by the government and asked for extended through meetings with the government, the parliament and the region to take the latest insights and true to the law of oil and gas.”
He said al-Awadi, “it was a meeting between the heads of the blocks and the Minister of the Federal Oil and a representative of the Kurdistan region, separated the formation of a committee pentagonal mini comprised representatives from the Iraqi List and alliances national and Kurdistan oil minister representing the federal government, as well as the Minister of Natural Resources representative for the region,” noting that he was to provide “a formal request to hold an expanded meeting includes the heads of blocs and the Oil and Energy Committee and a representative of the Kurdistan region and the Minister of Natural Resources and the Minister of Petroleum federal government representatives from the government in order to put the final touches on the bill and points of contention left to parliament for a vote,” suggesting “to reach an agreement on 46 material-in-law out of the 50 items and leave the four materials is still disagreement exists upon between the center and the region relating to the powers that allow the government to give wide powers to the Oil and Gas Council and the Ministry of the Federal Oil and consultation and coordination with the province and the provinces, and the property, which stipulates that the oil and gas property of the people Iraqi nor unique to a particular destination, as well as the administration, which stipulated that the existence of a joint administration for oil in Iraq, as well as coordination between the province and the provinces on the management of oil. “
And carrying member of the Commission responsible for not approving the law to the government and the region, especially with the absence of any failure on the law in the House of Representatives, recalling the importance of the law for the country’s economy and to maintain their oil wealth and reduce conflicts and find out people’s rights and the provinces and territories, noting that the agreement stipulates that there will be timeframe to give the latest version to be read for the first time, was reached some points of contention on the subject, which was withdrawn between the government and the region, noting that the time limit was specified duration of the month to give opinions but went more than a year and did not move residents as he put it.
He said al-Awadi said a law is still in the Committee of Five mini-pulled by the central government and the province in order to reach an agreement, but he has so far not settle the matter, explaining that his committee proposed in order to settle the matter pass the bill for the year 2007 and the next from the government, pointing out that his committee requested that the bill is merged in 2009 with the first and the waiting.
He ruled MP approve oil and gas law during the current legislative session attributing this to differences continuing between the government and the province, which said they were still “Taatlkon and Tzbban wasting oil wealth and the exclusion of the rights of citizens of this wealth and maintain,” warning of the existence of “a big conspiracy aimed failure to approve the law in order to monopolistic control of the companies in the province and the federal government. “
In turn, member of the Committee called on the national Fatima Hamidi alliances, and to speed up the passage of Kurdistan oil and gas law.
Hamidi said in a statement received “morning,” a copy of the rapid approval of the oil and gas law is to ensure that the export and sale of investment and Iraq’s oil wealth, pointing out the importance of the adoption of the law in the development of the oil investment and export.
Committee member said he must turn to alliances what surviving on the Iraqi people and the main source of oil Iraq, a budget, and leave political differences and quotas on another side.
Doubts still surround the CBI auction for USD
Posted: April 24, 2013 in Iraqi Dinar/Politics
Tags: Abdel Basset Turki, Baghdad, bank, Central bank, Central Bank Iraq, exchange rate, Iraq, Iraqi dinar
Created on Wednesday, 24 April / April 2013 10:05 | |
BAGHDAD / Omar Shaher
Opened trade linked ERA sale of hard currency, which is managed by the Central Bank of Iraq, a power on the management of monetary policy in the country, the door to constitute financial groups, contributing members of the boards of a number of Iraqi private banks, according to experts.
And assesses the Iraqi Central Bank, since 2004, an auction day, selling through banks, companies and traders what they need of hard currency, compared to certificates of import receipts conversion, in order to prevent speculative market and control of the Iraqi dinar exchange rate against the dollar. The central bank sells one U.S. dollar to 1118 Iraqi dinars.But he does not sell directly to individuals.
And witnessing the dollar exchange rate in Iraq fluctuated considerably since the issuance of an arrest warrant against the former governor of the Central Bank of the banking veteran Shabibi, late last year. Shabibi was stressed procedures for selling the dollar in the bank after the auction About smuggled into Iran, to meet their need of hard currency in light of international sanctions that are subject against the backdrop of its nuclear program.
In order to face these charges, the bank decided not to allow any bank or company, with a capital of about 400 thousand U.S. dollars, to participate in the auction of foreign currency.Among the measures imposed by the bank’s management, the participants in the auction, transfer a license to participate in the auction to the Criminal Department of the Ministry of Interior for its ratification, as well as converted to the circle of economic crime, money laundering department at the Central Bank.
And led this series of strict measures to limit the auction to a limited number of beneficiaries. Then turned to accuse the central bank to grant the right of foreign currency trading for a limited number of banks and companies, which led to the devaluation of the local currency, due to the scarcity of the dollar.
In an attempt to contain this development, authorized the Central Bank of Iraq, a number of private banks to sell certain amounts of U.S. dollar to Iraqi citizens directly, for the purposes of travel outside the country and treatment. Under this authorization, the person who holds an Iraqi passport to buy 5 thousand dollars from private banks once during the month, at the central bank, a 1118 Iraqi dinars per U.S. dollar, what about the authorization process profitability.
The exchange rate varies per dollar on the black market around 1225 Iraqi dinars, which means that there is a difference is 7 dinars per dollar. And became gatherings in front of the headquarters of the private banks are commonplace in Baghdad, and in some cases, the currency traders offered on their passports rental citizens to meet a lump sum, in order to get through the five thousand dollars. He says managers Tnfveon in a number of private banking firms, banks authorized to sell the dollar, dealing with brokers, in return for undisclosed commissions. Was not sure of the validity of these allegations.
Officials declined to the Central Bank of Iraq and a number of private banks to comment on the allegations. But a member of the Finance Committee in the Iraqi Parliament Secretary Abbas, says that “the Central Bank is responsible for the low exchange rate of the dinar against the dollar because of restrictive procedures in granting vacations operations for banking companies, which make the process confined to certain companies.” Abbas said in an interview that “there are companies that dominate the process of buying hard currency from the central bank because of the restrictions of the Bank’s management.”
After the issuance of an arrest warrant against al-Shabibi, appointed Iraqi Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki, head of the Office of Financial Supervision, Abdul Basit Turki, Acting Governor of the Central Bank of Iraq. But talk about the Bank’s procedures caused decline in the currency exchange rate remained in place, even with Shabibi successor.
The decision of the Commission on the economy and investment in the Iraqi parliament, Mohammed Khalil, said that “the current management of the bank made it difficult for the arrival of the dollar to the market, and then to the citizens and traders because of their actions restricted by fears of out large amounts of hard currency to the outside or the occurrence of money-laundering.” Khalil said in an interview that “the central bank to facilitate the process of pumping dollars into the market and then tighten control over the process spent at home or abroad to prevent money laundering operations or the like.”
MP expects parliament to vote on all laws slated during current term
Posted: April 24, 2013 in Iraqi Dinar/Politics
Tags: Baghdad, Government, Independents, Labour, Law, Margaret Hodge, Member of Parliament, Parliament of the United Kingdom
Wednesday, 24 April 2013 09:20 | | |
Baghdad (AIN) –Independent MP, Qais al-Shather, expected the parliament to vote on all the law drafts during the current term.
He stated to AIN “We hope the laws not to be postponed to the next parliament rotation.”
“We still have time and ability to vote on the law drafts that are currently presented to the parliament,” he added.
Senior banker (Saleh): Iraq has become a market funded by the USD due to increased demand
Posted: April 24, 2013 in Iraqi Dinar/Politics
Created on Wednesday, 24 April / April 2013 09:39 | |
Banking expert attributed the appearance of Mohammed Saleh reasons for the high exchange rate of the dollar against the Iraqi dinar to the increased demand in the domestic market.
Saleh said that those who control the dollar and exchange rates of foreign currencies in Iraq Kvelon the work on the stability of the exchange rates of the dollar according to the economic and financial policies that must work in market economies.
Saleh added that Iraq has become a market-funded for the many destinations by selling huge amounts of dollar exchange rates and foreign currency of various kinds, attributing the reasons for the high exchange rate of the dollar against the Iraqi dinar in the local markets to withdrawals of large and abnormal during the hearings conducted by the day.
He described the benefit of this rise in local markets about it natural considering that the exchange rates of foreign currencies linked to demand and supply in the market local Iraqi Each more than demand for the dollar leads to increased exchange rate and all more than display at least its price in the market is Maithaddd policy based on determining exchange rates of hard currency in Referring to the
On the other hand stressed a number of owners of banking offices in Baghdad and the Kurdistan region to the high exchange rates of the dollar against the Iraqi dinar to about 128 thousand dinars for one hundred dollars against the exchange rate reached to 130 thousand dinars for one hundred dollars in the Kurdistan region. He said the owners of offices banking that the high exchange rates of the dollar during the past few months has been associated departure of former central bank governor Sinan al-Shabibi from office for political reasons and purely technical, مبينين that the central bank was working to determine the stability of the exchange rate of the dollar and the Iraqi dinar after doing several economic measures and financial.
They said the rise in the dollar and exchange rates of foreign currencies is still ongoing since for quite some time after the measures the central bank and the policies that it deems most bankers and financial wrong and incorrect cross-selling massive amounts of hard currency for all citizens by 5 thousand dollars for anyone who wishes to buy hard currency or discharge as led to an increase in the dollar exchange rates in the markets, without any checks and instructions.
Council of Ministers discuss recommendations for re-activating tariff law
Posted: April 24, 2013 in Iraqi Dinar/Politics
Tags: Baghdad, Council of Ministers, General Secretariat of Ukraine, Interior ministry, Iraq, Law, News agency, Tariff
Cabinet: on Tuesday to discuss recommendations for activating the customs tariff
the General Secretariat of the Council of Ministers expressed its intention to discuss the recommendations of the application of customs tariff.
Council secretary said Ali Mohsen Ismail said in a statement received news agency public opinion (and babysit) a copy of it “plans to the General Secretariat of the Council of Ministers on Tuesday to discuss the recommendations of the committee charged with studying the application of the customs tariff.”
The lots called for activating the law of customs tariff in order to support local goods and industries